Program

The aim of this paper is to present the “Ancient Marbles of Hagia Sophia Project,” conducted under the coordination of Asnu Bilban Yalçın, and the new findings obtained through the studies carried out within the scope of the project. In Hagia Sophia, some of the ancient colored marbles and other stones that can be easily identified through macroscopic observation at first glance include alabastro, bianco e nero antico (marmor celticum), cipollino rosso (marmor Iassense), cipollino verde (marmor Carystum), giallo antico (marmor Numidicum), marmo Proconnesio (marmor Proconnesium), pavonazzetto (marmor Docimium / marmor Synnadicum / marmor Phrygium), porfido rosso antico (lapis porphyrites), serpentino (lapis Lacedemonius), and verde antico (marmor Thessalicum). In addition to these stones, different materials such as portasanta, granito del foro, lapis lazuli, and breccia corallina were also used in the revetments and pavements of Hagia Sophia. Although the aforementioned ancient colored marbles and other stones are well known in the literature, the problems they pose specifically in the context of Hagia Sophia have not been sufficiently examined. Moreover, during the restoration work, the Fossati brothers had certain marble revetments painted in colors different from their original tones, which led to significant alterations in the polychromatic pattern of the marble revetments in Hagia Sophia.

It is generally accepted that the building which predated the Hagia Sophia (415) had the same orientation as the Theodosian church had and the current Justinian one has now — to the west. The rationale for this opinion is Palladius’ account of John Chrysostom’s exile from Constantinople in 404: the bishop left the Hagia Sophia through the baptistery and ordered that his saddled donkey be placed at the west door of the church where people were waiting for him. There are some considerations to confute Palladius’ evidence due to the use of unique words and expression by him. Before entering the baptistery John Chrysostom crossed a hierateion — the word occurs only once in Procopius (De aed. I, 4.12) in the meaning of bema or chancel (not a sanctuary in a general sense: church, nave, cathedral, etc.), — so it was located on the same line with the baptistery, that is at the west end of the building. The expression tes ekklesias pylwn (where Chrysostom’s donkey was to be placed) occurs only once in Martyrium Matthaei, 16, and was never applied to entrances into basilicas. Thus, we have an unclear description of the Hagia Sophia building (360). The location of the sheep frieze at the entrance into the atrium (415) (not into the building) has been confirmed recently. The location does not correspond to sheep depictions located only in church apses during IV–VI centuries, and we do not have an exception. All these contradictions and inconsistencies should be explained.

Die Grablege Konstantins, die als Keimzelle der späteren Apostelkirche zu Konstantinopel gelten kann, wird seit jeher in der spätantiken und byzantinischen Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte sowie christlichen Archäologie intensiv untersucht. Während der archäologische Zugang über vergleichende Ansätze nur indirekt möglich ist, ist auf der Seite der schriftlichen Quellen zumindest die Ekphrasis vorhanden, die Eusebius in seiner Vita Constantini verfasst hat. Dieser Abschnitt stellt die Grundlage der Forschungsdiskussion dar, weist dabei aber viele rätselhafte und umstrittene Komponenten auf, die der Diskussion immer wieder neue Impulse geben. Diese neuen Impulse können mitunter als „Nebenprodukt“ der eigentlichen Forschungsfrage in unerwartete Richtungen weisen und es sind solche „Nebenprodukte“ meiner Dissertation, die im Mittelpunkt des Einzelbeitrages stehen sollen. Dazu soll von der Konzeption, die Konstantin seinem Apostoleion zugrunde legte, ausgegangen werden. Nach der Beschreibung des Eusebius scheint das Konzept zwischen Kirche, Martyrion und Mausoleum weniger zu divergieren als vielmehr zu oszillieren. Die Kombination aus den drei Funktionen und ihre Abhängigkeiten, Hierarchien und Wechselwirkungen untereinander haben trotz aller bestehender Interpretationsansätze zu den berühmten symbolischen Apostelgräber, die im Apostoleion platziert waren, nur eine periphere analytische Beachtung erfahren. Dabei generiert dieser kombinatorische Komplex Fragestellungen, die ihren Ausgang zwar in der Thematik der Apostelkirche nehmen, aber weit darüber hinaus reichen. Dazu gehören die Frage nach dem konstantinischen wie sonstigen zeitgenössischen Verständnis eines Martyrions. Daran schließt sich die These einer artifiziellen Heiligkeit an, die losgelöst ist aus ihrem ursprünglichen konzeptuellen Kontext einer sakralen Authentizität und die damit dem Phänomen der Reliquientranslation vorauseilt. Letzteres wiederum mag Auswirkungen haben auf die Diskussion zur Datierung und Kontextualisierung der ersten Reliquientranslation. Diese Fragen und Themen sollten nicht nur als Begleiterscheinungen zur Geltung kommen, sondern an sich ein Forum erhalten.

After the building boom of the sixth century, Byzantine Constantinople experienced a period of several centuries of comparatively few new major ecclesiastical building projects. Beginning in the late ninth century, however, Constantinople saw a veritable explosion of new building activity that ultimately fueled the construction during the Middle Byzantine period of a multitude of new church and monastic edifices, not only in the capital but throughout the empire. While the dissemination of building plans, such as the cross-in-square church, is well documented during this period, less attention has been given to new construction techniques and workshop practices that were developed and initially centralized in Constantinople but which were soon exported to other regions far from the capital. This paper identifies several of these techniques and practices beginning with late ninth- and tenth-century construction at sites in and outside Constantinople. Further, the paper argues for the emergence of a well-organized system of standardized construction practices that, while initially employed in Constantinople, was quickly and systematically disseminated to provincial regions throughout the empire for building projects there. The aim was to facilitate the efficient realization of the kinds of compact vaulted spaces associated with the new architectural designs that emerged across the empire during the Middle Byzantine period.

In the 11th century, Seljuks and Turkish Beyliks invaded Byzantine Anatolia, establishing Turkish rule. Despite some emigration of Byzantines, a significant local population remained, resulting in the coexistence of Christian and Islamic religious sites, sometimes within shared settlements and castles. Throughout the Rum Seljuk era, the bishoprics enabled Christian worship to continue, raising important questions: Who supported and protected these Christian structures? Where were they located? How did the architectural landscape of the Rum Seljuks evolve, particularly regarding the existing and demolished churches, the reuse of spolia in the the construction of new mosques? This study examines the Byzantine architectural heritage within the Metropolis of Iconium (Konya), a city that subsequently served as the capital of the Rum Seljuk Sultanate. Iconium retained its status as an archbishopric, allowing the bishopric to persist despite occasional difficulties. Recent field surveys have identified previously undocumented churches, and archaeological excavations have also revealed hitherto unknown ecclesiastical structures. Our research focused on Iconium, seeks to elucidate the architectural landscape of Central Anatolia during the 12th and 13th centuries, contributing to the scholarly understanding of medieval architecture through the examination of surviving structures, persisting traditions, and the cultural exchanges that developed alongside the increasing Turkish influence in the region.

Diplomatic gift exchange was a long-established practice in Byzantium, functioning not only as a gesture of goodwill or reciprocity but as a structured means of communication and symbolic assertion of status. During the reign of Manuel II Palaiologos (r. 1391–1425), gift-giving acquired renewed significance as part of the empire’s broader diplomatic strategy, particularly in the context of imperial weakness and intensified Ottoman expansion. This paper explores the political and cultural dimensions of gift diplomacy in the early fifteenth century, focusing on Manuel II’s extended diplomatic journey to Western Europe (1399–1403) and the subsequent mission of Manuel Chrysoloras to the Crown of Aragon in 1407. Particular attention is given to the offering of sacred relics and luxury objects to Western courts, which served both as tokens of spiritual authority and as appeals to shared Christian identity. Employing the theoretical perspective of International Society, as formulated by the English School of International Relations, this study situates Manuel’s diplomatic initiatives within a framework of states bound not only by power politics but also by common institutions, norms, and values. The reception of Byzantine gifts is thus interpreted as reflecting not merely strategic interest but also shifting perceptions of Byzantium’s place within the Christian world. By recontextualizing the symbolic economy of gift exchange, the paper argues that Manuel II’s diplomacy represents a final, deliberate effort to maintain Byzantium’s relevance in international affairs through cultural means. In an era of declining material resources and military capacity, the empire increasingly relied on religious prestige, diplomatic ritual, and appeals to civilizational commonality in order to sustain its role within the Christian oikoumene.

The incipit Ἐκ τῶν τοῦ Σολομῶντος περὶ τῆς δυνάμεως ἣν ἔλαβε παρὰ θεοῦ εἰς τὸ ἄρχειν τῶν δαιμόνων was recorded by A. Deissmann in a manuscript of the Topkapi Library (Istanbul Topkapi Serai-Bibliothek MS G.İ.17). Based upon the Greek title, he named the manuscript “König Salomos Dämonenzwang” and believed the text to derive from the Testamentum Salomonis, which had been published by Ch. McCown in 1922. In fact, considering Deissmann’s identification of the Topkapi manuscript as a “Zauberbuch”, the text might rather belong to the group of magical treatises attributed to Solomon, a fact endorsed by the category “l’astrologie judiciaire” found on an ex libris inscription. According to Ioannis Marathakis, a series of Greek grimoires contain astrological materials and date back to the fall of Constantinople in 1453. In this context, it was necessary to examine the Topkapı manuscript again in detail and compare it with other Greek copies of the Solomonic corpus. Before passing from Greek into the Latin-speaking world, this corpus—though commonly regarded as belonging to Orthodox Christianity—first took shape at a multicultural and multireligious crossroads. It incorporates elements of Jewish magical traditions and went on to influence later Arabic literature as well as Seljuk art. Since May 2024, this unpublished Topkapi manuscript is being studied as part of doctoral dissertation with the official permission of the General Directorate of National Palaces-Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye, and all the findings obtained will be presented in this paper.

Dopo la caduta del Despotato di Morea (1460) l’arrivo di Tommaso Paleologo in Italia segnò il punto più alto nella realizzazione dei disegni del cardinale Bessarione, favorita dalla politica ecclesiastica dei papi succedutisi nella seconda metà del XV sec. e dalla loro strategia di alleanze. Il paper si focalizzerà sulla ricostruzione del progetto bessarioneo alla luce dei rapporti con i personaggi che gravitarono attorno alla corte pontificia prima e dopo lo sbarco di Tommaso Paleologo ad Ancona, sulla base delle fonti storiografiche coeve (Giorgio Sfranze su tutte), dei documenti d’archivio e delle testimonianze artistiche.

Gennadios (George) Scholarios (ca. 1403–1472) was one of the most prominent ecclesiastical and political figures during the final years of the Byzantine Empire, a period marked by the struggles among four brothers: Emperor John VIII Palaiologos, despotes Theodoros II Palaiologos, despotes Constantine (later Emperor Constantine XI Dragasēs), and despotes Demetrios Palaiologos. As can be deduced from the few texts Scholarios wrote between the death of despotes Theodoros II and 1450, his role in the events surrounding the question of John VIII Palaiologos’s succession was not insignificant. Notably, he begins his Monody for despotes Theodoros II by noting that he postponed its delivery for nearly three months, subtly alluding to the death of John VIII. He describes despotes Theodoros as equal to the righteous lord, ruling according to customs. On the other hand, in his 1449 Letter to despotes Demetrios against the Union of Florence, he praises Demetrios Palaiologos for his loyalty to John VIII when despotes Theodoros marched out against the rightful emperor. Finally, in his Apologetic Letter to Emperor Constantine XI, written at the end of 1449, he feels obliged to justify his actions, as they had raised doubts about his loyalty to the emperor. Therefore, the main aim of this paper is to shed light on Scholarios’s personal relationships with the four Palaiologos brothers through an analysis of the aforementioned texts, and to explore the interplay between the political circumstances and his social network.

The 5th–6th century corpus of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite became a cornerstone of Byzantine theology and philosophy, exerting lasting influence throughout the medieval period. Its impact, however, extended well beyond Byzantium: in the Latin West, it became central to thinkers like Thomas Aquinas, for whom Ps.-Dionysius was the second most cited authority and a key framework for theological and philosophical synthesis. Gennadios Scholarios provides a compelling vantage point for examining these two traditions of Dionysian reception. Scholars have noted Scholarios’ originality in interpreting Aquinas (sometimes through Latin Thomist and Scotist commentaries) by incorporating earlier Byzantine theological and philosophical concepts and language. This paper will build on this recent interest by exploring how Scholarios reads Ps.-Dionysius through both his Thomistic engagement and his own reception of earlier Byzantine figures such as Maximus the Confessor, Michael Psellos, and Gregory Palamas. This study will bring out both the distinct approaches, as well as common strategies, in these two traditions’ readings of the Ps.-Dionysius, both inside and outside Byzantium.

This paper explores how the memory of Byzantine Christian past was reactivated and redeployed by displaced Orthodox communities in early modern Southeastern Europe, focusing on the cult of saint Theodore Tiron and his veneration at the Novo Hopovo Monastery in modern-day northern Serbia. Originally associated with Euchaita, Theodore Tiron’s cult was deeply rooted in Byzantine military hagiography. By the mid-16th century, however, his relics were said to have arrived (among other places such as Brindisi) at Hopovo – according to a local 18th-century tale, via a fantastical journey involving a Wallachian boyar, a laborer in Sibiu, and the chaos of Ottoman-Habsburg frontier life. I argue that this story – historically unverifiable but culturally potent – functions as an invented tradition crafted as a response to the Serbian monastic communities’ collective trauma of Ottoman conquest, migration, and identity loss. In a landscape marked by forced movement, the narrative of Theodore’s relics offered a sacred anchor: a way for Serbs to claim legacy, sanctity, and continuity with the Christian Orthodox past in unfamiliar territory. The saint’s journey becomes a mnemonic strategy: a sacred migration mirroring that of his new devotees, re-inscribing Byzantine Christian identity onto new ground. Through this case, I examine how trauma is transposed into relic travel, and how military saints become vessels of post-Byzantine memory in Orthodox monastic circles amidst turbulent geopolitical dynamics.

This paper explores Byzantine responses to the plague pandemic, which reached Constantinople in 1347 after emerging in the Genoese colony of Kaffa and subsequently spreading rapidly across the Mediterranean and beyond. While Western Europe and the Islamic world produced vivid and often deeply traumatic accounts ofthe disease, Byzantine historical narratives stand out for their brevity and restraint. Key figures such as Nikephoros Gregoras and John Kantakouzenos mention the outbreak only in passing, rarely quantifying mortality or elaborating on its social repercussions. This limited engagement may reflect a broader cultural stance. Unlike in the West, Byzantium appears neither to have interpreted the plague within an eschatological framework nor to have integrated it into its collective cultural memory. To our knowledge, there were no apocalyptic movements, no plague-related iconography, and no significant theological debates. In this light, the paper analyses contemporary sources in order to investigate the thanatikon and to situate it within the broader context of imperial decline. It asks whether Byzantium may have experienced a form of cultural trauma and whether the seemingly restrained responses conceal a more intricate and multifaceted collective experience shaped by political and social dynamics.

Immediately after the outbreak of WWII in June 1941, one of the most senior members of the highest political body of the Bolshevik Party, Secretary of the Central Committee Andrei Andreev, travelled for several months to the main grain-producing regions of the USSR. These were the territories of Northern Caucasus, which to this day remain Russia’s main wheat-producing territory, followed by certain provinces on the Volga and Siberia. In the twentieth century, Andreev, who had been in charge of the North Caucasus region of the USSR in the 1920s, implemented certain reforms intensifying grain production as part of his inspections. This war-related intensification of grain production finds a striking similarity in the Eastern Roman practices. The Cherson theme in the 7th–12th centuries was apparently the last major territory to ensure the functioning in the Roman Empire of the reluctive remains of the ancient Roman institution of annona – subsidized by the state imports of wheat to the imperial capital. In turn, the northern Black Sea coast and the regions of the North Caucasus were the main suppliers of wheat to Cherson, which supplied the imperial armies. Constantine Porphyrogenitus in De Administrando Imperio describes in detail the institution of vasiliki, special envoys to the Chersonese theme. The paper discusses the possibility of the long-term comparison of Soviet and Byzantine practices in the scholarly frameworks. It also investigates the potential of such comparison in solving the ever-present problem of food security in the Black Sea area that remains in the news today.

The settlement of Anglona (Basilicata – IT) is located on top of a hill bordered on the northern and southern sides by the two rivers Agri and Sinni. It is a natural acropolis in a strategic position for controlling the surrounding river corridors, the main roads and, therefore, also the trade between the Ionian coast (Policoro area) and the hinterland. Precisely because of its strategic position, which allows control of the surrounding area, and thanks to the various archaeological discoveries made on the hill, it has been possible to identify the site of Anglona with the Pandosìa lucana of the classical age. The most recent archaeological investigations were first conducted by the Superintendency of Basilicata and then by the University of Basilicata (excavations are still ongoing on the west side and surveys are being carried out on the rest of the hilltop). So far, there is evidence of settlements from the Bronze Age and early Iron Age, as well as archaic levels and the agricultural village of Pandosìa, as evidenced by the discovery of various artefacts and dwellings from the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, with a possible reduction in settlement in the 2nd–1st centuries BC. The last significant occupation was during the medieval period, with the presence of various religious and civil structures. These include the majestic cathedral of Anglona with its frescoes, the settlement extending over the central plateau of the hill and the fort at the western end, all documented by recent diagnostic surveys and archaeological research.

The last major phase of occupation on the hill of Anglona is associated with the establishment of a substantial settlement, inhabited during the central centuries of the Middle Ages and later abandoned around the 15th–16th century AD. The most remarkable evidence relates to the medieval cathedral complex, which includes the imposing church itself and its annexes, as well as several structural remains belonging to a contemporary fortress. The fortified complex comprises a watchtower with an underlying cistern connected to a defensive wall circuit, and a large service building located on the southern side of the fortification. The Cathedral of S. Maria d’Anglona dates to the end of the 11th century. The building corresponds to a large church with three naves divided by pillars, with three semicircular apses and a “Doppelturmfassade”, which therefore incorporates two square towers. In 1092 Pope Urban II, during his journey from Calabria to Taranto, visited the “city of Anglona” together with the Norman counts Boemondo and Guglielmo and the church under construction. In the same period the episcopal seat was transferred from Tursi to Anglona and the building of the new cathedral was completed according to the Benedictine-Cassinese architectural models recurring in other contemporary buildings of southern Italy and Basilicata. In the last decades of the 12th century, a “protiro” was added to the façade which gives depth to the main entrance and whose plastic decoration, with zigzag motifs and radial heads on the portal rings, derives from the Norman sculpture in the Lucan-Apulian area at the end of the 11th and 12th centuries. The interior of the Cathedral is decorated with a cycle of frescoes that represents one of the most rich episodes of medieval art with a clear Byzantine imprint, testifying the influence of the oriental artistic language in Latin culture.

The catholicon of Santa Maria d’Anglona was in its initial phase a three aisled roman basilica with three apses in the east. Wall paintings adorned the interior, from which only parts of the central nave, the south wall and the lateral apses are conserved, due to modifications in the eastern part and in the widening of the transept. The frescoes are attributed between the end of the 12th and the first decade of the 13th century showing strong influence from the byzantine painting of the tardo-Komnenian period. From the rich iconographic program only part of the central nave still exists, part of the south wall of the south nave and of the two lateral niches. In the central nave, the impressive cycle of the Ancient Testament comprises forty episodes of the Chapter of Genesis, beginning from the Creation of the World until the story of Joseph. They are presented in a continuous narration and are enriched by long extracts from the Ancient Testament. Prophets and saints Hierarchs adorn the pilasters and the arches of the epistyle. On the southern wall very few episodes of the Christological cycle are conserved and a few martyrdoms of Apostles. The lateral niche of the north aisle was devoted to Apostle Peter. On the niche of the south aisle, archangels are depicted. The study of the frescoes of Santa Maria d’Anglona constitutes a precious tool for the study of the ethnic and religious diversities and for the perception of the “other” in south Italy around the year 1200. Though their style is strongly influenced by the byzantine Komnenian “koine”, the thematic selection is attached to Roman principles. It is a case study mingling different cultural and inter-dogmatic characteristics, which are dictated by the co-existence of different populations in the same area.

This paper presents the preliminary results of the 2016–2017 excavation campaigns at the site of Santa Maria di Anglona (Basilicata, Southern Italy), focusing on the study of medieval ceramic productions between the 12th and 15th centuries. The research examines both unglazed wares (acroma and cooking pottery) and glazed ceramics, characterized by transparent and opaque lead- and tin-based coatings. Renewed investigations at Anglona provide an important opportunity to reassess the site’s role within the broader network of ceramic production and exchange in medieval Southern Italy. Earlier excavations in the 1960s, together with finds from sites such as Satriano di Lucania, Monte Irsi, Policoro, and Pietra San Giovanni, first revealed the diversity of glazed ceramic traditions in the region. Archaeometric analyses have since confirmed distinct technological practices and workshop zones across Southern Italy, linked to wide-ranging trade connections with Sicily, North Africa, Greece, and the eastern Mediterranean. The current study aims to define the characteristics and distribution of local production. Kiln waste and firing tools indicate the presence of workshops in northern Puglia, Taranto, Calabria, and possibly Basilicata itself. Anglona’s strategic location—near the Ionian coast and at the crossroads of inland and maritime trade routes—made it a key hub for the circulation of goods, including ceramics. Among the recovered assemblages, acroma wares dominate, while glazed types—mainly green and yellow monochrome—suggest regional production. Fragments with glaze waste point to a local workshop. Decorated wares (RMR and protomaiolica) in red, brown, and green indicate exchanges with Puglian, Calabrian, and later Sicilian centers. These findings reveal Anglona’s active participation in medieval ceramic exchange networks. Comparative analysis with other Lucanian sites will refine the regional chronology and shed light on production, trade, and cultural interaction in medieval Southern Italy.

Along the external walls of the apse and transept of the church of Santa Maria d’Anglona (Tursi), numerous square and rectangular brick tiles can be seen, decorated in relief with plant and animal motifs. Given the large number of fragments that emerged during archaeological research of the site, it is conceivable that these are the remains of a floor decoration from the first phase of the cathedral, reused in the walls for ornamental purposes. Among the recognisable figurative motifs are elements taken from medieval bestiaries, such as mermaids, griffins and fish, but also themes typical of medieval art, such as St George and the dragon. There is a clear comparison with the iconographic motifs found on the floor mosaics and sculptural decorations that cover the religious buildings of the Norman South Italy. Similar evidence, albeit with different stylistic characteristics, comes from the excavation of the Cathedral of Torre di Satriano in Tito, which has yielded hundreds of fragments of brick tiles decorated with repetitive motifs of fantastic and real animals and plant elements, and some intact brick tiles still present in situ within a surviving strip of flooring, dating back to the Norman period, in the central nave. In situ evidence also comes from the excavation of the Cathedral of Barletta, where fragments of 10th–11th century decorated clay floor tiles have been found, and from the church of Santa Maria de Busso/Vetere in Mottola. Other examples come from Torre di Mare in Metaponto, the Benedictine abbey of S. Michele Arcangelo in Montescaglioso and the church of Santa Maria di Juso in Montepeloso (Irsina). The evidence reported seems to show similar characteristics; the relief depictions share figurative motifs that refer to the tradition of bestiaries, typical of Romanesque art, with both ornamental and allegorical functions, conveying messages and meanings linked to the religious sphere.

Scholarly research accepts as a clear fact that the Edict of Milan, issued by Constantine the Great in February 313, made Christianity a religio licita, i.e. an accepted religion in the Roman Empire. The Edict of Cunctos populos, issued by the Emperor Theodosius the Great in February 380, is not nearly so clear-cut: while the majority of (scholarly) opinion holds that this law made Christianity the state religion of the empire, other scholars are more nuanced and reject the interpretation that from then on all the emperor’s subjects were to follow the Christian faith.
By presenting and evaluating the different positions, this paper seeks to answer the question of the meaning and role of the Edict in the ecclesiastical politics and dogmatic history of the time, and the reasons why the idea of Christianity becoming a state religion is associated with it in the minds of the educated world. Along with the above, the paper will also seek to explore the local intentions of the law, aimed at Constantinople, and the impact of this fourth-century provision on its contemporary recipients in the eastern and western parts of the Roman Empire, through its publication in the Codex Theodosianus (16,1,2) and its central place in the Codex Iustinianus (1,1,1), in the fifth century, and 6th century pagans, heretics and Jews.

This paper examines the criminal law provisions of the Prochiron, a legal compilation in 40 titles enacted by the Macedonian rulers between the last quarter of the 9th century and the early 10th century. Title XXXIX, Περὶ ποινῶν (“On Punishments”), comprises 86 chapters devoted to criminal law. The Macedonian legislation aimed to purify the ancient laws that had been distorted in the Isaurian Ecloga of 741. Nonetheless, criminal law in the Prochiron continued to reflect the influence of Title XVII of the Ecloga, which had extensively introduced capital punishment, corporal penalties, and mutilations. Historiography has emphasized the severity of these punishments. While such measures—flogging, mutilation, blinding, and the cutting of the tongue or nose—appear harsh, it is important to note that they often replaced the death penalty prescribed by Justinian’s legislation. This shift aligns with the philanthropic intent expressed in the proem of the Ecloga, which stated that the laws had been revised “for the more humane correction” (ἐπιδιόρθωσις εἰς τὸ φιλανθωπότερον), thereby softening earlier penalties. In this context, penal law emerged as a defining feature of Byzantine legal tradition, which is often characterized by its brutality.

No written system of a Byzantine ‘Constitution’ appeared throughout the Byzantine period, whereas several written laws covered aspects of state law. The “titles” (chapters) 2 and 3 of the Eisagoge (Εἰσαγωγή) are considered the first and only Byzantine written legal text with a constitutional context. The Eisagoge was part of the “cleansing of the laws” campaign of the Macedonian emperors, meaning the restoration of the laws of Justinian, after the reign of the Isaurian dynasty. What has not received the importance that it deserves is chapter 1 of the Eisagoge, titled: “Regarding Law and Justice” (Περὶ νόμου καὶ δικαιοσύνης). I argue that this chapter, both by its content and its position at the beginning of the Eisagoge, alongside the following chapters of this Law, shapes the first pre-modern written legal text with constitutional importance in Western history. This was way before the American and French Constitutions (end of the 18th century) and the charters of the 17th century. It was also earlier than the charters of the late 12th to 14th centuries, which appeared in some medieval European kingdoms and empires as efforts to write down principles or rules regarding the organization and exercise of state power, mainly for certain instances or groups of citizens. However, the notion of a written law that puts the ideals of Law and Justice as the cornerstone of the State’s organization and administration, hence the first approach to a written constitution, must be recognized as a Byzantine ‘invention’ of the late 9th century. This applies, regardless of whether the Eisagoge was a promulgated law or a draft of a law. Moreover, the context of the first chapter of the Eisagoge reflects not only provisions of classical Roman Law but also ideas of Greek philosophy and rhetoric.

The querela inofficiosi testamenti is attested in Byzantine legal compilations, where provisions of Roman law were rendered into Greek. However, non-normative sources also provide insight into how this legal mechanism operated in practice. One of the most significant principles of testamentary law—namely, the inheritance rights of the testator’s closest blood relatives—is clearly reflected in multiple cases from the dossier of Demetrios Chomatenos, particularly those involving disputes over the annulment of wills. In such instances, the mandatory share of the inheritance due to close relatives represented a constraint on the testator’s freedom of disposition. Individuals who are not in blood relation with the testator but are designated as heirs were known as exotika prosopa. The testator’s close blood relatives frequently initiated legal action against them, seeking the annulment of the will. Common circumstances in which outsiders were favored over immediate family included the migration of relatives, their minority, large or complex family structures, or marriages without offspring.

Gold solidi, lead seals, silver plate: metal objects are some of the most recognisable products of the sixth-century Byzantine state, often directly connected to the patterns of administration, fiscality, and ideation that defined the empire. While much attention has been devoted to the objects themselves, we know relatively little about the spaces and communities that supplied the imperial offices, workshops and mints with their precious metals. This paper draws on archaeological and legal evidence to demonstrate that, under Anastasius and Justinian, the diocese of Dacia in the central Balkans emerged as one of the key centres of metal extraction within the empire. From hilltops to river gorges, mining and smelting operations in the sixth-century Balkans were undertaken by a variety of actors and communities operating at different scales, and metal extraction was woven into the spectrum of labour regimes that characterised the region. This period belongs within a longer history of exploitation of mineral resources within the region. At the same time, the sixth century was markedly different from anything that came before. As I argue, the Dacian peasants, bishops, and landlords who invested in mining ventures were attuned to the demands of the successive imperial regimes and continually attempted to reshape the conditions under which the early Byzantine state sought to capture and harness these key mineral resources. Their exploitation linked local lives to empire-wide patterns of governance, allowing local choices to reverberate in and beyond Constantinople. At the same time, imperial desires and appetites profoundly shaped local landscapes and lifeways, exerting distinctly unequal kinds of pressure on the different local constituencies that were engaged in metal extraction. By following the faint tracks of miners, I argue, it is possible to view the sixth-century imperial state from the bottom up, locating the empire in local experiences.

In the sixth century, East Roman emperors were predominantly depicted on coinage adorned in a cuirass and a military mantel, an iconographic choice that was not unexpected, given the substantial quantity of coins that was allocated for the remuneration of troops or military-related expenditures. Indeed, defence spending featured prominently in the economy of the East Roman Empire, especially after Justinian’s wars and the conquest of Italy and Northern Africa, which forced Constantinople to garrison further provinces. Under Anastasius, the annual salary of a common soldier was approximately 20 solidi. Given that the early sixth-century army consisted of approximately 100,000 full-time soldiers, the military budget was estimated to be at least 2 million solidi, though this figure does not take into account the higher remuneration for officers and the significant expenses incurred in areas such as foederati, food, weaponry, military camps, fortresses and shipbuilding. Furthermore, the limitanei also received remuneration, at least until the reign of Justinian, and likely beyond. The total fiscal income of the Empire was approximately five to six million solidi, thus it can be deduced that the military budget absorbed the majority of the taxes paid by Constantinople’s subjects. By relying on contemporary epigraphic, papyrological, numismatic and textual evidence, this paper analyses the costs of maintaining the sixth-century East Roman army in times of peace, and the financial resources invested in campaigns such as Justinian’s reconquest of Africa and Maurice’s expeditions against the Avars. In a historical period where the rearming of Europe, and the procurement of the necessary financial resources, has become a priority, it is of some consequence to study how much the East Roman Empire was actually willing and able to invest in defence spending.

This paper is concerned with the Byzantine legislation with regards to the financing of international trade in the early Middle Byzantine period. The major aim is to evaluate whether these regulations are restrictive or facilitating trade and how the prevailing conditions of the time reflect on the laws in order to get an insight into the economy and financial mindset of the period. Timeline is set as from Justinian (527-565) to Leo VI (886-912), i.e. before the Italian maritime powers became prominent in the Empire’s trade. Ecloga and the Rhodian Sea Law from the 8th century and Basilica from the late 9th century are juxtaposed to the Codex Justinianus and specifically Digest 14.2 on maritime trade from the 6th century, all of which serve as the main guidelines to uncover the regulatory changes required by the credit market. With financing of international trade in focus, the stipulations on loans, borrowing rates and partnerships for commercial purposes are to be discussed in conjunction with the economic interests (profitability, taxation, welfare) and ethical concerns (usuary vs. just price) while the role of the Byzantine State, market supply-demand and the agency of other market players will be questioned.

A kouratoreia (κουρατωρεία), known also as kouratorikion, was a fiscal term used from the second half of the sixth century to designate a distinct form of imperial property. From this period up to the eleventh century, the kouratoreiai were the crown lands of the Byzantine empire, exploited directly from the state to cover the needs of the imperial court and / or other institutions as well. The kouratoreiai were administered by a (grand) kourator and his subordinates such as the ephoroi and the episkeptitai. The larger and most important kouratoreiai were located across Asia Minor. They disappear along with their clerks in the late eleventh century as a result of the political collapse in the region. The lead seals clearly suggest the presence of two kouratoreiai located in the neighbouring islands of Chios and Mytilene (Lesbos) in the north-eastern Aegean. Located along “Sea Route B”, the one of the two major waterways that connected Constantinople with Asia Minor, Cyprus and the (Middle) East, Chios and Lesbos featured diverse natural resources, well defended settlements and a series of harbours, ports and minor landing places that allowed unhindered communication and trade with the outside world. The purpose of this paper is to present the combined sigillographic, written and material evidence and with the use of satellite imagery attempt to locate the possible areas of the kouratoreiai, the settlements within their limits and the ports that allowed them to ship their produce to the capital of the empire or to export it directly to various destinations.

Broken and cut fragments of copper, retrograde and blundered legends, rulers without heads. This is all that one sees when looking at the so-called “imitative” coins of the 13th century. These fragmentary pieces of metal are but a shadow of the aesthetic beauty of the gold coinage of the Komnenian dynasty that ruled Byzantium for a century. For previous generations of scholars, these coins were a marker of the terminal decline of Byzantium, caused by the Latin knights of the Fourth Crusade, who seized, sacked, and then proceeded to rule the great city of Constantinople for half of a century. And yet, below the poorly executed figures and legends and the broken and fragmentary shape, in which they are often found, these coins hide an underlying tale of a world with not a single, but many Byzantiums. This presentation explores the phenomenon of imitative coins in the 13th-century Balkans through the use of the most comprehensive dataset of Byzantine-style coin finds from the region (c. 150,000 coins from over 600 coins finds.) It argues that this material provides evidence of a continuing monetary union amongst the different Byzantine successor states after 1204, whereby any Byzantine-style coinage was used as a medium of exchange across the territory of the 13th-century Balkans. Finally, this paper argues that the continued use of Byzantine-style coinage across the former Byzantine Empire in the years after the Fourth Crusade despite the political fragmentation of the period is evidence of an underlying demand for such coinage from both the common people and state authorities.

Dans son Histoire des guerres Procope fait référence régulièrement aux Romains en tant qu’ennemis (πολέμιοι, ἐναντίοι), ce qui peut à prime abord surprendre. Évidemment, il emploie le terme lorsqu’il rapporte des événements du point de vue des ennemis des Romains. Cependant, d’autres historiens, qu’ils soient romains ou byzantins, ne semblent pas se servir de ce moyen de désigner leurs propres forces armées, du moins pas à ce point. Nous proposons d’examiner de plus près la pratique de Procope: les premières analyses indiquent qu’il a tendance à recourir à cette tournure quand il relate des campagnes auxquelles il n’a pas participé lui-même, où donc il dépendait de rapports des autres. Il est possible que cette tendance soit liée à son emploi de rapports écrits, vraisemblablement qu’il adapte en modifiant le vocabulaire – car sans doute des récits de campagne de généraux ne parleraient pas des Romains en tant qu’ennemis! Notre présentation discutera surtout des oeuvres de Procope, mais nous élargirons le débat à d’autres historiens tant romains que byzantins.

For a long time, historians and other scholars used to focus mainly on the contemporary section of historical works to extract information. According to this point of view, George the Monk would only be interesting for the last book of his Chronicle, especially the part on the 9th century, when the author lived. All that precedes would therefore only be an obligatory passage, yet another repetition of what all the other chroniclers have already written for as long as this type of text has existed. However, this biblical and ancient part, which pre-dates the Byzantine period proper, is far from being free of Byzantine elements. Indeed, both as an Orthodox monk and as a Byzantine world chronicler, George the Monk had to accomplish the difficult task of bringing together universal history from Creation, or at least from the beginning of humanity, and Byzantine history, in a single whole: that of divine design. And so, the author considered the past through his peculiar vision of the world and discovered here and there what were for him clues and signs heralding what was to become Byzantium. It is not uncommon, in fact, for him to take the time to explain the origin of a Byzantine tradition in the portrait of a character, or to show a series of past events as a foreshadowing of later ones. It is a selection of these elements, scattered throughout the nine books of the Chronicle, that this paper proposes to examine in order to highlight their construction and their particularity, but also their resonance with other excerpts from the Chronicle or other texts.

The aim of the paper is to analyze the portrayal of the Bulgarians in the historical work of George the Monk. The analysis will concentrate both on the author’s stated opinions about them and on the Bulgarians’ image emerging indirectly from reading George’s narrative. The study seeks to address questions concerning when and under what circumstances Bulgarians appear in his work; whether their portrayal is varied and subject to change over time; which factors shaped these representations rather than alternative views or modes of presentation; and what sources informed the author’s knowledge of the northern neighbours of the Byzantine Empire. The three basic versions of George’s work will be analyzed, namely the earliest, original manuscript, i.e. Coislinianus Graecus 305, the so-called Letovnik, preserved only in the Old Church Slavonic version, and the so-called Vulgata (the basis for Carl de Boor’s edition), which is the richest source on political and military issues, but is considered to be the latest version, at least according to recent research (e.g. Dmitri Afinogenov).

Arabic authors have preserved numerous valuable accounts concerning Byzantium and the lands of the Franks. While earlier scholarship on Byzantium and its neighboring regions has primarily relied on Greek and Latin sources, Arabic materials have often been overlooked. As the dominant Mediterranean power, Byzantium significantly influenced the political and cultural development of other medieval states. During the Migration Period, various ethnic groups traversed the Roman Empire and contributed to the formation of early medieval polities. In northwestern Europe, the Roman state gave way to a plurality of Germanic kingdoms, while in the northeastern regions, a Slavic advance in the Balkans initiated the emergence of early Slavic states. Arabic historians and geographers described the Frankish realm and its inhabitants. Arabic sources are not precise when it comes to the borders of the Frankish kingdom, but they clearly indicate that the region in question refers to Western Europe. Among the most informative texts are the works of al-Masʿūdī and Ibrāhīm ibn Yaʿqūb, who mention Frankish cities such as Bordeaux, Saint-Malo, Rouen, Utrecht, Aix-la-Chapelle, and Augsburg. During the Crusades, al-Idrīsī—the most renowned Arabic geographer—composed his celebrated geographical treatise at the court of the Norman king Roger II in Sicily. In this work, he documented major European routes and provided detailed descriptions of both Byzantine and Frankish cities. Al-Idrīsī’s geography is considered the first comprehensive work of its kind published in Europe. Many Arabic historians and chroniclers wrote about the Crusades—conflicts in which Byzantines, Franks, Arabs, and Turks participated. These confrontations between Christians and Muslims, and between East and West, played a formative role in shaping the contours of the modern world.

The Ottoman conquest of Byzantium in 1453 resonated far more profoundly in Western Europe than the city’s diminished political significance as a Turkish vassal state would seemingly justify. This heightened reaction was due to the symbolic importance of the event and the brutal, protracted siege marked by tragic and heroic events. In addition to the historically verified facts acknowledged by scholarly research, a rich body of legend emerged. In my paper, I examine data concerning the fates of the female members of the imperial family, as well as the origins of the narrative concerning Gertuka, an alleged traitor executed by the Sultan. These stories are legendary and lack historical basis: Emperor Constantine XI was a childless widower, the figure of Gertuka can be traced to Lukas Notaras megas dux preserving only a distorted version of the name. Certain later historical works report the deaths of both Gertuka and Notaras, without realizing that they refer to the same person. In my paper, I argue that these legendary elements did not emerge through a slow and gradual distortion of genuine events; rather, they were already present in the sources dating back to 1453 (e.g. at Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, the Armenian kolophons, Jan Dlugosz, and perhaps Nestor Iskander) Their emergence can be attributed to the lack of information – an unavoidable consequence of war. The memory of battlefield rumours persisted, and later crystallized in the 16th and 17th centuries into complex narratives that significantly shaped the modern legacy of Byzantium.

According to the testimony by Theophylaktos Simokates, Shah Khusro II characterized the Persian and Byzantine empires as the two eyes of the earth. This evocative metaphor stands in stark contrast to Khusro’s vigorous attack on Byzantium later in his reign, attempting to take even Constantinople. This paper sets out to contextualize this radical and rapid shift in foreign policy at the turn of the seventh century. I reconstruct the underlying ideological factors and narrative scripts that are known from hagiographical, apocalyptic, and historiographical sources dating from the late sixth to the mid-seventh century. Given the dearth of contemporaneous Persian sources, the texts under investigation are predominately in Greek and hostile in character. They often emulate Persian claims by adopting or inverting them. Ultimately, the paper argues that the radical abrogation of Byzantine-Persian cohabitation can be seen as the political materialization of certain narrative strategies, such as hyperbolas, typologies, and antitheses. Narrative scripts and techniques functioned as blueprints for historical action.

The Church of the East emerged in the Late Antiquity, mainly among the Aramaic-speaking population, and has been understood as a series of Christian communities situated east of the Euphrates River. It was only gradually, by the 5th and 6th centuries, that the Church of the East began to acquire the characteristics of a centralised structure subordinate to the Catholicos of Seleucia-Ctesiphon. The Christians of Iran (referred to as “Eastern”) perceived episcopal sees that constituted the pentarchy system as “Western”. In certain instances, its hierarchs would make appeals to the bishops of Antioch, Edessa, Nisibis. The Byzantines’ desire to establish links with Christians living outside the Empire was particularly evident in the activities of the embassy sent in 399 or 400 by emperor Arcadius to shahanshah Yazdegerd I. The embassy was headed by bishop Marutha of Maypherqat. During the second embassy, Marutha delivered a letter from the “Western Fathers” to the local bishops. The letter spoke of the need to convene a Council. One of the ways in which the normalisation of ecclesiastical life was achieved was through the reception of the decrees of the 1st Ecumenical Council (325). In 410, Yazdegerd authorised the opening of the Council in the capital, which was presided over by Isaac of Seleucia-Ctesiphon. The Council’s deliberations resulted in the approval of a range of the Nicene Creed and Nicene canons. At the Council convened in 424 under Catholicos Dadisho, the primacy of the bishop of Seleucia-Ctesiphon over other metropolitans was formally ratified. As is often asserted in historiography, the Councils of 410 and 424 are also understood to have confirmed the autocephaly of the Church of the East. However, this perspective is predicated on the assumption of its subordination to the see of Antioch in the preceding period, which is still only a hypothesis.

This paper examines how Georgian and Syriac hagiographical traditions depict Christian martyrdom under Zoroastrian rule during Late Antiquity, focusing on the Martyrdom of Saint Eustathius of Mtskheta (6th c.) and the Legend of Mar Qardagh, alongside selected texts from the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts. These narratives, shaped within distinct cultural and linguistic milieus, nonetheless reflect a shared theological response to religious persecution in the Sasanian Empire. The paper examines how themes of apostasy, imperial loyalty, and spiritual resistance are adapted in the Georgian and Syriac contexts, emphasizing both convergence and divergence in literary structure, martyr typology, and political theology. Special attention is given to the figure of the Zoroastrian convert, whose transformation from imperial subject to Christian confessor challenges both social order and religious orthodoxy. While the Georgian Eustathius foregrounds local ecclesiastical identity and the role of communal witness, the Syriac accounts – particularly Mar Qardagh – frame martyrdom within a broader vision of elite defection and cosmic contest. A brief comparative note is included on the Coptic Martyrdom of James the Persian, offering a wider lens on the transmission and reinterpretation of Persian martyr narratives across Christian traditions. The paper contributes to understanding how Christian communities beyond the Byzantine core articulated sanctity, resistance, and memory under Sasanian domination by situating Georgian and Syriac martyrdom texts within a shared historical framework.

The Byzantine and Sassanid Empires were at war with each other in late antiquity, which led to significant conflicts. The 7th-century conflicts were particularly significant, as they led to the Sassanid Empire’s exhaustion. These wars are regarded by historians as the Last Great War of Antiquity. Religion was one of the determining factors in the centuries-long political and military struggle between the two great powers. As a result of the religious policies pursued by the Christian Byzantine Empire and the Zoroastrian Sassanid Empire, the Zoroastrian and Christian clergy played an active role in the relations. The role of the clergy can also be traced in the religious struggles that took place in the buffer zones between the two states. The Sassanid Empire was a religious State from the moment it was founded, and Zoroastrianism continued to dominate. The Zoroastrian clergy, on the other hand, had an influence on almost all levels and decisions of the state. Magi/Mowbed priests were not very involved in diplomatic missions. However, their political influence in the internal affairs of the Sassanid state was clear. Christians, living as citizens of both states, were involved as an international political factor in Byzantine and Sassanid relations. The Christian bishops were even directly involved in the diplomatic activities of the Sassanids. When the ancient sources are analyzed, it is understood that the clergy had an influential role in the politics of the states in the relations of the two great powers that lasted for centuries. This study will examine how Magi/Mowbed priests influenced political decisions in the Sassanid-Byzantine struggle, what roles they assumed, and how they managed relations with Byzantium in the light of ancient sources and modern studies.

This paper investigates the political and social roles of Armenian noble families (naxarars) in the eastern periphery of the Byzantine world between the 4th and 7th centuries. By focusing on key dynasties such as the Arsacids and the Mamikoneans, Bagratids, it explores how these families navigated between imperial powers—Rome/Byzantium and Persia—and how their local authority, titles, and networks of loyalty functioned within a distinctively Armenian model of aristocracy. The study aims to show that Armenian feudal structures developed as both a reflection of and a response to imperial competition, serving as a lens through which we can examine Byzantium beyond its traditional frontiers.

At the beginning of the seventh century, the Byzantine Empire had extensive borders, which included important provinces, such as Africa, Egypt, Syria, Palestine and the region of the Black Sea. Τhe influence of Byzantium, as is well known, extended to areas in proximity to these territories as well. Of particular interest is the case of Armenia, which at the beginning of the seventh century was under the control of the Byzantines and the Persians, while later the Arabs also showed an aggressive attitude towards the territories of Armenia. The emperors of the period, in order to associate themselves with the Armenian aristocrats, awarded them high titles and military offices, integrating thus a large number of Armenians in the Byzantine army. The pressure to unite the Armenians with the Byzantines on an ecclesiastical level had a negative impact on their relations. Due to this situation, the Armenian nobles mistrusted the central administration of Constantinople and therefore participated in subversive movements against the Byzantine rulers. This paper will present key aspects of the political and military activity of the Armenians in Byzantium during the seventh century.

“Accent does not equal stress. It quite often denotes stress, but not always…” (Appendix Metrica, p. 306). The reverse is also true: lack of accent does not necessarily mean lack of stress. To put it differently, accent-bearing words may in fact be clitic and words without accent may in fact be orthotonic. Byzantine accentuation has never been properly studied. On the one hand, there are the classicists who ignore the manuscript evidence and blindly follow the traditional rules of accentuation (e.g. τὴν γυναῖκά μου at the caesura); on the other, there is the Noret school who fail to understand that accents may be graphematic (e.g. τε may be written as τὲ in manuscripts but remains clitic). The only way out of this linguistic mess is to study hymnography which, as it has strict homotony (stresses placed on certain set syllables), allows us to examine in which environments (phonological, syntactic and semantic) accent or lack of accent is relevant. In this paper, I shall look at the indefinite pronoun τις/τι, the personal pronouns με/μου/μοι and σε/σου/σοι, the indefinite adverbs που, πως, and ποτε, and the connectives δέ, γάρ, μέν, and οὖν in the kontakia of Romanos the Melodist. I shall also compare the editorial practices of Maas/Trypanis and Grosdidier de Matons in this respect and check these against the readings of the tenth-century manuscript Sin. gr. 925 (Diktyon 59300).

Among the poems ascribed to John Geometres, the Carmen de S. Panteleemone (BHG 1415) stands out for its length (over a thousand prosodic dodecasyllables) and the number of copies (at least seven manuscripts preserving the whole text or part of it). However, its authorship is uncertain, since the poet is explicitly named in only two witnesses, the Laur. Plut. 5.10 and the Scor. Y.II.06, whereas the text is anonymous in all the others. The goal of this paper is to investigate the authorship by means of the poem’s metrical features as a crucial internal criterion. Both advancements in metrical studies and recent reliable editions of most of Geometres’ work provide the tools for a thorough analysis of the data. Of particular relevance will be comparisons with the dodecasyllabic poems undoubtedly attributed to Geometres. The enquiry into the constitutive elements of verse will not fail to consider the evolution of Byzantine metrical practice over the centuries. The survey will be grounded in my new critical edition of the Carmen, which takes into account the full manuscript tradition for the first time. Giving insights also for a broader reflection on the concept of authenticity in Byzantium, the results could shed some light on the authorship debate and help unravel the issue.

The authorship of the Σχέδη τοῦ μυός remains a matter of scholarly debate. A single manuscript explicitly attributes the work to Theodore Prodromos, while in all other witnesses it is anonymous. Konstantin Horna was the first to suggest that the author might in fact be Constantine Manasses, basing this attribution on notable parallels between passages of the Σχέδη τοῦ μυός and other works by Manasses. Later, Wolfram Hörandner supported this attribution on the grounds of prose rhythm, comparing the prose rhythm of the Σχέδη τοῦ μυός with that of Prodromos’ Monody for Andronicus Comnenus, and of Manasses’ Description of the Catching of Siskins and Chaffinches and Encomium of Michael Hagiotheodorites. However, prose rhythm can significantly vary across works belonging to different ‘literary genres’, aimed at different contexts, or serving different purposes. Therefore, it will be pivotal to compare the prose rhythm of the Σχέδη τοῦ μυός with that of other schede attributed with certainty to either Prodromos or Manasses. By analyzing the prose rhythm of two groups of schede ascribed to each author, this contribution aims to assess whether the prose rhythm of the Σχέδη τοῦ μυός is more consistent with Prodromos’ or Manasses’ practice, thereby providing a valuable contribution to the debate on its authorship. From a broader perspective, starting from a specific case study, this contribution aims to engage with the wider scholarly debate on the role of rhythm and style as criteria for determining the authorship of Byzantine literary works, and on the significance of these features in Byzantine prose and literary practice.

Throughout the Middle Ages, poets continued to employ ancient quantitative metres, both in Medieval Latin and Byzantine literature. Since the distinction between long and short vowels had been lost in medieval Greek (and Latin), quantitative patterns could be grasped intellectually only by a learned audience; yet poets continued to employ them. Conversely, everyone perceived the disposition of stress and the resulting rhythm. Several dimensions intersect when composing a piece in ‘old verses’: a lexicon and register suited to the verse form; the reception of ancient metres as mediated by medieval treatises and reading; the new rhythms and, therefore, the living poetic practice, acquired through reading and listening. The beauty of learned poetry arises from the interplay among all these dimensions. The paper investigates the ‘old verses’ found in Byzantine literature with particular attention to two poles, the hexameter and the dodecasyllable, to show how inherited metrical norms, exempla from earlier poets, and medieval practice operated in the rhythmical texture of poems, as well as how poets crafted their lines to appeal to all listeners and readers as contemporary ‘good verses’, while simultaneously stimulating precise intellectual processes and emotional responses among highly educated audiences sharing a common body of cultural knowledge. This dynamic is relatively transparent in the dodecasyllable, whose language diverges little from the ‘Byzantine koiné’; it is far more intricate in the hexameter, where the Homeric language, largely detached from the koiné, is paired with a metre that appears purely quantitative in both form and transmission. Drawing on recent research (Lauxtermann 2022), the paper offers a new account of medieval practice in learned verse, with case studies from Ioannes Mauropous, Ioannes Tzetzes, Michael Choniates, and other poets, and sets these against purely rhythmical metres (such as the pentadecasyllable) and parallel developments in Medieval Latin literature.

This paper examines the role of political verse in the late Byzantine period, particularly its connection with the emergence of the so-called vernacular romances. From the eleventh and twelfth centuries onward, texts written in political verse took two distinct directions: on the one hand, popular epic, such as Digenis Akritis; on the other, refined compositions often commissioned by or dedicated to the imperial court. Their authors were some of the most prominent intellectuals of their time; among them, Theodore Prodromos, Manganeios Prodromos, John Tzetzes, and Constantine Manasses. The production of political verse gained further momentum in the Late Byzantine period, where we continue to find both elegant didactic poems, such as Manuel Philes’ Metaphrasis of the Psalms and parenetic texts, as well as love romances written in a language rich in vernacular elements. This study compares the increasing literary prominence of the vernacular in Byzantium with parallel developments in Western medieval traditions. It analyzes the metrical systems that, in other literary cultures, may have favored the emergence of a poetic vernacular and assesses whether Greek political verse played a similar role. In doing so, the paper situates Byzantine poetic practice within a broader Mediterranean and European context, highlighting its unique yet interconnected trajectory in the evolution of the medieval vernacular imagination.

This paper examines the political factors that shaped the relationship between the Byzantine Empire and the Kingdom of Iberia in the fourth century. It focuses on three interrelated elements: the Christianization of Iberia, the strategic significance of the Darial Pass, and the influence of Byzantine–Sasanian rivalry. The adoption of Christianity by King Mirian III—closely linked to Byzantine influence—functioned not only as a religious transformation but also as a political realignment, allowing Iberia to distance itself from Sasanian hegemony. In this context, religion became a tool for both diplomatic orientation and internal consolidation. Geography further defined Iberia’s role in regional politics. The Darial Pass, a crucial corridor through the Greater Caucasus, served as a key point of control for movement between the northern steppe and the southern empires. Its strategic value attracted the attention of both the Byzantine and Sasanian empires, rendering Iberia a contested frontier zone. Finally, the broader imperial rivalry between Byzantium and the Sasanian Empire exerted continuous pressure on Iberia’s sovereignty, compelling its rulers to engage in a delicate balancing act. This paper argues that the political orientation of the Kingdom of Iberia was shaped not solely by the competing influences of the Byzantine and Sasanian empires, but also by religious change, geographical positioning, and the kingdom’s own balancing strategy.

The Ladder of Divine Ascent by John Climacus is among the Greek Patristic works which were translated multiple times into Georgian and significantly influenced medieval Georgian artistic and philosophical thought. Between the 8th-9th and the 17th centuries, a total of six Georgian versions of this work were composed. The Ladder was translated into Georgian three times: first, a translation made from Arabic at the monastery of St Sabas in the Holy Land in the 8th-9th century; a second translation made in the last quarter of the 10th century by St Euthymius the Athonite, and a third translation was made by St Peter of Gelati. In addition, there are three verse renderings of the Ladder. The first one is attributed to Ioane Petritsi and is based on Euthymius’ translation, while the second and third are in-verse interpretations of Peter of Gelati’s translation. The author of the third poetic version is catholicos Anton I. This paper will present the critical editions of the two Georgian translations of the Ladder by Euthymius and Peter and will analyze the peculiarities of the translational methods employed by the two translators by comparing their versions to the Greek original. It will be shown that a large part of the lexis in the Gelati version of the Ladder consists of graecisms and loan translation compounds. The two prose versions of the Ladder thus contain rich material for studying the lexis of medieval literary Georgian (such as synonyms), but they also contain curious materials with regard to the development of the Georgian literary language.

Among the numerous Armenian and Georgian illuminated manuscripts, two exceptional works stand out—the Armenian Gospel of Queen Mlkʿe (862) and the Georgian Gospel of Adishi (897). These are the earliest illuminated manuscripts from the South Caucasus to exhibit such a high level of artistic sophistication. Unaffiliated with any known artistic circle or school in the region, these gospels share notable similarities and display strong affinities with antique artistic traditions. There is little doubt that the miniatures in both manuscripts were modelled on early Christian prototypes introduced to Armenia from Byzantium, a development closely tied to the flourishing of art during the Macedonian Renaissance.
The colophon of the Adishi Gospel confirms it was copied at the Shatberd Monastery in Kgharjk, during the rule of the junior branch of the Bagratid princely family. The recent attribution of the Gospel of Queen Mlkʿe to the senior branch of the Bagratids of Shirak underscores a shared cultural context in which these two illuminated manuscripts emerged.
This cultural commonality between the two principal centres of the Bagratid family is further reflected in the architectural traditions of the time. The strong echoes of ancient and early Christian influences in Bagratid culture can be attributed to their close political and cultural ties with the Byzantine court, as well as to the broader historical legacy of the region.

From the second half of the 15th century, the influx of Eastern Christian clergy, including those seeking shelter from Constantinople or Trebizond, contributed to a multicultural atmosphere that greatly influenced the literary and artistic processes at the Atabags’ court. The rulers of this independent principality, the Jakeli-Atabag family, represented the stratum of the progressive-minded society of that period. Despite the growing Islamic influence around, in the synodica of the Jackels attached to the various manuscripts that have reached us, their Christian virtue and Christian disposition are emphatically presented. Their name is associated with both the locally produced artistic and reconstruction processes, as well as the large donations made in the Christian centers. Their connection and relationship with the great centers of Christianity, Mount Athos, Antioch, the Holy Land is widely known.
Various types of manuscripts copied at the court of the Atabags have reached us: psalters, gospels, liturgical collections (A-351, A-485, Q-84, A-733, Q-920, Q-921, K-375, O.I.58, etc.). The exact date and, in some cases, the indication of the exact place of copying help us in the study of manuscripts, and also clarifies the history of travels of calligraphers and their scribal activities during their visits. Goal of the paper is to present on the one hand, the artistic processes taking place at Atabags’ court, and reflected in the ouvre of miniaturists and on the other hand, show the connection with the artistic searches of the surrounding word, especially with Trebizond. The unique and universal compositions of the miniatures, and their distinguished stylistic features, and broad range of iconographic and literary sources and artistic traditions, undoubtedly reaffirm the manuscript’s connection to the artistic and literary center of the Atabags’ scriptorium. It reflects the artistic traditions of the Christian world of the time.

Located on the Mediterranean coast of southern Asia Minor, between Caria, Pamphylia, and Pisidia, the Lycia region covers a wide area and features a significant number of Byzantine churches. Positioned along Mediterranean trade networks, Lycia was among the primary regions for the spread of Christianity. With the spread of Christianity, the region witnessed not only the emergence of new worship spaces but also the development of an architectural configuration shaped by administrative and social changes. Churches in the region are scattered across both urban centers and rural settlements, including villages, islands, and mountainous areas. Based on their primary functions, they can be classified as parish churches serving the religious needs of settlements, episcopal churches in episcopal centers, katholicons within monastery complexes -mostly located in rural areas- and pilgrimage churches that served as places of visitation due to the presence of a martyrion, relic, or cult. Spaces associated with churches through secondary functions include baptisteries; pastophoria containing the prothesis and diakonikon; martyrions; hagiasmata; and relic or burial chapels for religious use. Administrative and residential structures within episcopeia, along with monastic units such as trapezae, coquinae, and clerica, fulfilled the needs of ascetic Christian life. This study identifies and documents various annex structures located around these churches through extensive fieldwork and examines their functions based on surviving architectural and archaeological evidence. The aim is to interpret and understand the motivations and practices behind religious architectural development, as well as the associated social and administrative structures, from the late 5th century -when the first churches began to appear in Lycia- until approximately the 12th-13th centuries, when the region came under Turkish rule.

St. John, one of the apostles of Jesus Christ and the author of the Gospel, is believed to have spent most of his life in Ephesus with Mary. It is believed that some of the Gospel he wrote was completed on Ayasuluk Hill. It is known that the martyrion, which was built as a simple grave structure when he died, was later transformed into what is seen today during the reign of Emperor Justinian I. The first excavations at the St. Jean Monument were initiated by Greek archaeologist G.A. Sotiriou in 1921, during the occupation of Izmir. Sotiriou carried out excavations in the bema area where St. John’s tomb was located, the north and east cross arms and part of the narthex. With the end of the occupation period, the excavations were paused for a short period of time and then continued by Hans Hörmann on behalf of the Austrian Archaeological Institute between 1926 and 1930. Hörmann carried out excavations in the naos, narthex, atrium and south cross arm. The results of the excavations were published in 1951 in the series Forschungen in Ephesos, volume IV.3. Since 2020, excavations have been carried out by Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sinan Mimaroğlu, a faculty member of Hatay Mustafa Kemal University. Under the direction of Sinan Mimaroğlu, excavations were carried out in 2020 and 2021 on the western slope of the inner castle in order to obtain data on the early periods of Ayasuluk Hill. The 2024 excavations in the south cross arm of the church yielded important results regarding the architectural phasing of the church of St. John in the earlier period. The 2024 excavations revealed that the plans of the early phase of the church and its construction phase, as interpreted by various scholars to date, were incorrect.

The ancient city of Perge, located 18 km northeast of Antalya, was one of the wealthiest cities in Anatolia and holds great significance in the history of early Christianity, particularly following Saint Paul’s visit during his missionary journeys. The city became a prominent episcopal center and was the site of multiple martyrdoms. These factors likely contributed to the construction of several churches in Perge. Among these churches, the South Basilica, located in the center of the Lower City and distinguished by its monumental scale, offers significant insight into the architectural development of early Christian basilicas in the region. Excavations conducted by the Antalya Museum have revealed the church’s distinctive features, including a T-shaped transept, a three-aisled naos, and an apse with adjacent pastophoria, measuring approximately 75 meters in length. Traces of high barriers between the nave and aisles – an unusual and rare feature in Byzantine architecture – highlight the basilica’s uncommon liturgical and spatial arrangements. In addition to its architectural elements, the basilica stands out for its rich stonework, both in terms of variety and decoration, featuring floral motifs, as well as allegorical animal representations, which reflect the artistic and cultural sophistication of the period. Based on the stone artifacts, the basilica is currently dated to the earliest period of the 5th century, although further research and inventory work are ongoing. This paper presents the architectural features of the South Basilica of Perge, focusing on its layout, decorative elements, and its significance within the broader context of early Christian basilicas in Anatolia. Through an evaluation of its distinctive characteristics, this study seeks to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the development of Byzantine architecture in the region.

The cross-in-square church of St. Euphemia in Chalcedon, was mostly misunderstood until today as a post-Byzantine building. Based on the analysis of the preserved building and engravings of the late 17th century, I, following I. Papadopoulos and V. V. Sedov, come to the conclusion that it was built in the Middle Byzantine period. Moreover, a comparison of its individual details with the neighboring monuments of Bithynia and Constantinople makes it possible to date its construction to the late 8th — early 9th century. The original church was an inscribed cross of the complex type on four columns, with a narthex, side galleries and an exonarthex. Above the narthex and the western corner bays the galleries were later (?) built. There are profiled cornices under the drum and at the buttress arches, and carved imposts under the small arches. Semicircular windows (probably originally thermal windows) are placed at the end of the side arms. The apse is triangular on the outside, and in the side apses are recessed into the eastern wall. The church is built of bricks, and the galleries (at least the southern one) probably of ashlar. The exterior decoration is known only on a round drum standing on a square pedestal, a recessed brick masonry or thick seams around the windows and the cornice under the roof. The original roofing is unknown: the gable roofs above the arms of the cross could have originated in the late Byzantine period. An important role in the dating of St. Euphemia plays the circular shape of its drum, which was replaced in Constantinople and Thrace by a multi-faceted one, as early as the mid-9th century (as well as in the Southern Balkans since the mid-10th century, except for the late monuments of the “pre-Helladic school”).

In the village of Sklavopoula, Crete, four churches from the Venetian period are extant: those dedicated to Saint George, Christ the Saviour, the Virgin Mary, and the Holy Spirit. The Church of the Saviour, a single-nave edifice measuring 7.12 by 4.17 meters, preserves wall paintings datable to the late fourteenth century, albeit now in poor condition. The eastern tympanum depicts the Holy Trinity: the Ancient of Days and Christ are shown seated side by side on a bench, with the Holy Spirit as a dove placed between them. In the western tympanum, the scene of the Hospitality of Abraham is rendered. On the north wall, the church’s founder—a hieromonk identified by the secular name Partzalis—is portrayed standing amidst a verdant hortus conclusus, holding a model of the church. Opposite, on the south wall, a frieze of four mounted military saints appears: Demetrius leads, followed in succession by Constantine the Great, Theodore, and a figure possibly identifiable as George. The motif of equestrian warrior saints is well attested within the corpus of late Byzantine monumental painting, particularly in regions subjected to Latin hegemony. However, the figure of Constantine the Great among the cohort of military saints remains a notable deviation from established iconographic conventions. A pertinent Cretan parallel is located in the Church of Saint Constantine near Drymiskos, datable to ca. 1400, wherein Constantine appears alongside Saint George. A later analogue, dating to 1487, is attested in the Church of the Holy Cross at Pătrăuți in Bucovina, Romania, where a frieze of mounted warrior saints similarly includes Saint Constantine. This paper seeks to interrogate the iconographic and ideological implications of Saint Constantine’s martial characterisation within the broader ensemble of mounted saints, situating this phenomenon within the complex socio-political and theological discourses of the Venetian period on Crete.

The discourse about the Venetian dominion in Cyprus (1489-1571) is mainly associated, not surprisingly, with the entire framework of the Latin presence in the island, including institutions, religion, as well as material heritage. This overwhelming presence of the Western dimension in historiography has somehow overshadowed the existence of various traces connecting this specific historical period with the rich reservoir of Byzantine influences on the island.
Such influences are linked to Cyprus’s earlier Byzantine past, but also to its geographical proximity to the Byzantine Empire, which collapsed definitively during the 15th century. In our paper, we focus on the presence of well-known Byzantine families in Cyprus under Venetian rule. Integrating scattered findings of earlier scholarship with new evidence from research in the Venetian State Archives, we identify the most important among these families and we examine the historical roots of their presence on the island. A special focus is also given to their notable role during the Venetian rule, when they occasionally assumed various positions of local authority, or just acted as poles of influence for the Greek population of the island, while showing generally loyalty to the rulers. The final part of the presentation is dedicated to the particularly interesting impact of some members of these families in the turbulent last years of Venetian rule, when intensive preparations for the defensive fortification of Cyprus alternated with scattered outbreaks of tension in the relations of the local population with the Venetian authorities. In the most famous of these incidents, the suppressed rebellion of Iakovos Diassorinos in 1563, we note the verbal coherence of the ideological basis that Diassorinos seemingly adopted with ideas that had been formulated for the first time during the last years of the Byzantine period and that would play a decisive role in later historical instances.

While private legal practices in the Greek-speaking world have long been seen by Byzantinists and legal historians alike as a domain of continuity which extended into the Early Modern period, the scholarship is still deprived of a precise understanding of the mechanisms that sustained the survival of this Byzantine legacy in legal practice. This paper shall examine the role of notarial formulae in legal education, towards defining a methodology for a legal history of post-Byzantine legal practice. Selected sources will be presented from the large corpus of sixteenth-century private legal documents from the Greek-speaking territories under Venetian rule, based on research in the rich local archives of former Venetian territories. It shall be argued that the Greek notarial documents from the Venetian territories are particularly insightful historical sources because they reveal the contact, and sometimes conflict, between two distinct legal traditions. This is revealed in the survival and adaptation of technical language and textual formulae in a multilingual space, and the introduction of new normative texts such as Italian formularies and documentary forms. I shall consider how notaries were regulated by the Venetian imperial administrations, characterising the tension between notaries as private legal actors and as officers of the state.

Perhaps counter-intuitively, holy women are depicted in many monastic churches: the mosaics of the narthex at Hosios Loukas are far from an exception, as the study of late Byzantine painted churches reveals. The presence of images of holy women in the (mostly) male space of the monastery deserves further investigation. Their role within the liturgy is minimal, and models of female monastic conduct do not seem to appear more often in monasteries than in village churches or churches built by single families; furthermore, they sometimes appear in spaces that may not have been accessible to occasional female visitors, which forces us to look beyond the possibility that the images of these saints constitute the visual counterpart of the faithful. This paper aims to address these questions by looking at one church in Venetian Crete: the monastic church of Saint-Paraskevi-and-Saint-Panteleimon near the village of Galifa, a few kilometers south of Heraklion. The church, probably the metochion of a Cretan monastery, was built in two phases: the earlier one dates back to the late 12th or 13th century, and the western extension of the church has been dated to the 15th century. Both parts of the churches contain images of holy women: a portrait of an unknown saint (likely Saint Paraskevi) in the older part of the building, and a cycle of Saint Paraskevi’s life as well as a series of medallion portraits of other female saints in the western part of the church. Looking at the pictorial context of these images, their connection with the liturgical furnishings of the building, and the integration of the church within the local sacred geography, the paper aims to determine the possible roles of the saint for the male community of the monastery.

The large-scale recycling of earlier inscriptions is a defining, yet under-studied, feature of late antique urban transformation across Asia Minor, evident at sites like Hierapolis (ca. 400 reused inscriptions), Ankara (>117), and Pessinus (>110). This paper focuses on Aphrodisias, a key site offering compelling evidence for shifting attitudes towards the inscribed past, manifest in contexts like the mid-4th-century city walls and so-called Temple/church. While reuse in the walls and the Temple-Church has been studied, interpretations often prioritise pragmatism (at least around 350 inscriptions re-used in the city walls) or targeted symbolic acts (Temple/church). In this presentation, I will reconsider these monuments by framing mass re-use through the lens of ‘operational forgetting’—a concept from oblivion studies (as a branch of memory studies) that looks at societal indifference towards earlier memoryscapes, driven by profound social and political change. I will do so by 1. integration of updated archaeological data 2. introduction of new insights from field notebooks for the Temple-Church (a revised estimate of 60–70 instances of epigraphic reuse within the church, a figure indicating a density of recycling potentially higher than even the city walls), and 3. adaptation of theoretical frameworks from oblivion/erasure studies this archival evidence suggests, significantly revising previous assessments of this building’s transformation. By unpacking patterns of selection, fragmentation, and placement across these major re-use contexts, this paper argues that the sheer scale of recycling reflects the obsolescence of an older monumental language as part of the very fabric of the city, and the social mechanics that underpinned it. This approach, combining new methodology with updated archaeological and archival evidence, illuminates the complex politics of forgetting and the dynamic processes of cultural adaptation that characterized this pivotal period of transformation within early Byzantine world.

This paper examines the spatial distribution of religious inscriptions dated to the reign of Justinian I (AD 527–565) in Western Anatolia. By utilizing published epigraphic data—primarily from cities such as Sardis and Ephesos—and applying Geographic Information Systems (GIS), this research explores the changing religious landscape during a period marked by significant theological and political transformations. The focus lies on inscriptions that contain explicit Christian terminology, references to ecclesiastical institutions, and imperial dedication. These texts are georeferenced to visualize their spatial patterns and to assess how religious authority and imperial policies were inscribed into urban and rural topographies. The study aims to offer preliminary insights into regional trends in religious expression and monumentality, reflecting broader imperial agendas in the late antique Eastern Mediterranean. As a work in progress, the project also addresses methodological challenges related to the integration of historical epigraphy with spatial analysis tools. As this research is in its early phase, the analysis presented will be exploratory in nature. It considers the potential of GIS-based models to enhance the interpretation of epigraphic corpora and opens new questions regarding the dynamics between text, space, and power. This presentation forms part of a broader effort to reassess the religious and administrative restructuring of the late antique East by combining traditional textual approaches with digital methods.

During recent excavations in the fortified coastal complex of the Monastery of Agios Paulos on Mount Athos, an inscription was discovered carved on a fragment of a marble sarcophagus. It was first reported at the end of the 19th century but it appears to have been lost in the early years of the 20th century. According to the text itself, the inscription originates from the city of Hephaistia, located on a peninsula in the northeastern part of the island of Lemnos, in the northern Aegean. The transportation of the inscription from Lemnos to Mount Athos was probably carried out by monks who owned properties (metochia) on the island, possibly around the mid-15th century. In the inscription, a deceased couple, Euphrosynos and Aurelia Phila, threaten anyone who might dare to intrude upon their tomb and invoke the protection of the authorities in the event of any violation. The exact provenance of the inscription is unknown, but it may derive from the area of Bounda, just southwest of the Hephaistia peninsula, where a suburban cemetery developed during the Early Byzantine period around a funerary basilica. The inscription, which was last studied in 1905 by G. Millet, deserves renewed examination considering the archaeological investigations carried out during the 20th century and still ongoing at Hephaistia by the Italian Archaeological School at Athens. Epigraphic comparisons may allow its dating to be narrowed down to between the second half of the 4th century and the early 5th century. The inscription constitutes an important element in our understanding of Hephaistia during the Early Byzantine period, a phase that is almost entirely absent from literary sources and otherwise known only through archaeological excavations.

The lack of distinctive typologies for pilgrimage monuments has been noted before for Byzantine architecture. Additionally, past pilgrimage activities do not necessarily leave archaeologically detectable traces, and in the absence of textual and epigraphic evidence, identifying a site as a pilgrimage center is often a challenge. The situation is different, though, in the rupestrian complex outside Medeia (now Kıyıköy) on the Black Sea coast of Eastern Thrace, only a hundred km from the Byzantine capital, Constantinople. The pilgrimage at Medeia is inscribed on the bedrock, much like the numerous invocations that pilgrims incised on its walls, asking for help and salvation. In the earlier literature, the site is rather erroneously identified as a Late Antique monastery dedicated to St. Nicholas. Based on previously overlooked details of the spatial layout and carved decoration, as well as yet-unpublished pilgrims’ graffiti and wall paintings, I argue that it was established in the early Middle Byzantine period with a terminus post quem in the 9th century, primarily to accommodate the flocks of faithful visitors rather than a monastic community. The site is in the immediate vicinity of a well-fortified harbor city, Medeia, that occupies a prominent position in the maritime transportation network north of Constantinople; it is also well-connected to the inland Thrace with navigable rivers. In this setting, I discuss how the architecture instructed a designed movement for pilgrims to follow through the bedrock, framing privileged views and providing controlled access to the objects of pilgrimage that the complex encased. Moreover, the elaborate design and intricate sculpture indicate professional involvement and possibly a patron with considerable financial means. I suggest that the episcopal authority in Medeia may have maintained and controlled the pilgrimage activity and can also be credited for the architecture.

Within the scope of this paper, new finds that can be included in the group of inscribed artifacts dated to the centuries during and immediately after the transformation of the imperial capital from the city-state of Byzantion to Constantinoupolis will be interpreted in terms of their contribution to the historical topography and socio-economic life of the city.

This paper raises a series of questions concerning the use of the heirmos in Byzantine hymnography. Did the hymnographer always know the same text of the heirmos as that transmitted in the manuscripts and editions available to us today? Did he follow this text strictly, or did he modify it in the process of composition? Modern editions of troparia are usually established on the basis of the metrical structure of the heirmos, with philological intervention when the textual evidence appears to require it. The paper asks whether the reverse approach may also be appropriate.

Tzetzes and Hipponax present the reader with a unique case of a Byzantine author being the main non-papyrological source for an archaic Greek poet. Tzetzes cites Hipponax on 38 occasions, referring to 37 separate fragments for a total of some 80 lines. Often he quotes the same fragment on more than one occasion, or more than one fragment in one discussion. Words or verses quoted by Tzetzes have turned up in every papyrus of Hipponax’s Book I published to date (P.Oxy. 2174, 2175, 2323, and PSI 1089). A.D. Knox suggested that Tzetzes found all this Hipponax in a manuscript of the Lycophron scholia that was much richer than those now surviving; H. Schultz, in a manuscript of Hephaestion with scholia, or in an anthology. O. Masson, followed by E. Degani, successfully argued against these gratuitous suggestions: as already remarked by W. Schneidewin, Tzetzes must have read Hipponax – at least Book I – directly. Degani argued that one passage in Ptochoprodromos, too, alludes to one in Hipponax, but what we find in Tzetzes is unparalleled. In this paper, I shall explore Tzetzes’ references to Hipponax and map them on Tzetzes’ oeuvre. In what works, dating from what periods of his life, does he quote or cite Hipponax? How does he do so, and what are his purposes for doing so? Mostly linguistic and socio-historical, to be sure – but that is not all that there is to it. Building on V.F. Lovato’s recent remarks about Hipponax’s place in Tzetzes’ authorial self-image, I offer a more comprehensive examination of what Tzeztes does with Hipponax’s verses and what the fearsome ancient iambist does in, and for, the celebrated Τζετζικαὶ ἔρευναι.

Das erste Gedicht auf die heiligen Märtyrer Minas, Hermogenes und Eugraphus ist die zweitumfangreichste Dichtung unter den 16 uns bekannten Gedichten des Johannes Apokaukos, die im Codex Petropolitanus gr. 250 (Nr. 454 Granstrem), ff. 78v-81v überliefert sind. Es besteht aus 56 byzantinischen Zwölfsilbern und muss bei der Pannychida zum Fest des Gedenkens an eben diese Heiligen (das am 10. Dezember gefeiert wird) als gereimtes Vorspiel der feierlichen Lobrede zu ihren Ehren vorgetragen worden sein. Es bezieht sich hauptsächlich auf das Martyrium dieser drei Heiligen und preist sie für ihre Tugenden, die sie während ihres Martyriums gezeigt haben. Diesem Gedicht folgt ein zweites langes Gedicht über dieselben Heiligen (mit dem Titel Εἰς τοὺς αὐτούς), das aus 33 byzantinischen Zwölfsilbern besteht und dessen Hauptthema das ins Meer geworfene eiserne Reliquiar der Heiligen und dessen Auffindung ist. In diesem Beitrag werde ich beide Gedichte vorstellen und sie philologisch kommentieren, indem ich ihren Text kritisch wiederherstelle und die hagiologischen, biblischen und patristischen Quellen des Dichters identifiziere, die deren frühere Herausgeber und Forscher zu diesen Gedichten nicht identifiziert haben. Darüber hinaus untersuche ich anhand dieser beiden umfangreichen Gedichte die Hauptmerkmale des poetischen Oeuvres des Apokaukos, seinen Stil, sein Metrum und seine Sprache.

Under the reign of Manuel I Komnenos (r. 1143–1180), a significant translation movement from Greek into Latin was underway. While major Aristotelian and theological translations received considerable scholarly attention, other works remain relatively understudied. One such text is the Latin translation of the Oneirocriticon attributed to the Pseudo-Achmet, produced in 1176 by Leo Tuscus, an imperial secretary at the Byzantine court. This treatise on oneiromancy was translated in the context of Manuel’s military campaigns against the Turks. Through this translation effort, Leo contributed to the transmission of Greek dream knowledge to the Latin intellectual sphere. Recent studies by Maria Mavroudi and Ambrogio Camozzi Pistoja have shed light on the importance of Leo’s translation. However, the full extent of its diffusion and impact in the Latin Middle Ages remains difficult to assess in the absence of a critical edition. Without a clearer understanding of how the text circulated, any evaluation of its reception remains provisional. This communication exposes current doctoral research aiming to address this lacuna by focusing on both the context of the translation — particularly through a close reading of the prologue — and the manuscript tradition in the Latin West. To date, over twenty Latin manuscripts have been identified, as well as several vernacular versions. This communication also presents the initial steps toward the establishment of a critical edition, emphasizing its scholarly value. Notably, the Latin witnesses predate the most complete Greek manuscripts, making this undertaking also valuable towards a new critical edition of the Greek text. Beyond its textual and philological significance, this study not only enhances our understanding of Leo Tuscus’ work and its reception but also contributes to a broader understanding of cross-cultural intellectual exchanges between Byzantium and the Latin World in the twelfth century.

The so-called Chronicle of Monemvasia is a short text of historical content that has acquired a considerable notoriety for more than a century mainly due to its information about the entry and settlement of the Slavs in Greek territory and the Peloponnese specifically. Equally intriguing issues have been the structure of the text’s narrative, the identity of its anonymous author/authors, as well as the different versions of the text preserved today in three manuscripts from the 16th century: Iviron 329 (Diktyon 23926), Kutlumus 220 (Diktyon 26249), and Collegio Graeco 12 (Diktyon 56407). A fourth codex, the Taurinensis 336 b I. 4 (B VII 29) (Diktyon 63564), was unfortunately destroyed by fire in 1904. In my paper I will shortly discuss the main problems to be dealt with, while working on the new edition of the text for the Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae series.

After the edition provided by P.K. Chrestu (1985), the Corpus of Homilies by Gregory Palamas received another edition by B. Pseutogkas in 2015, for which a total of 13 manuscripts were used. One of these manuscripts is Hagion Oros, Μονή Βατοπεδίου 134 (Diktyon 18278), which since the brief description by Arkadios Vatopedinos has been wrongly dated to the 15th century instead of to the 14th century. Applying palaeographical and codicological criteria, the copy preserved today in ms. Vatop. 134 was recently dated around the year 1364, i.e. close to the death of the Saint, which is now placed in the year 1357. Contrary to what is stated in the prolegomena of Pseutogkas’ edition (p. 28 and 36), the user of this edition will notice that this text carrier has not been taken into account for the constitution of the text very systematically. The paper will discuss the value of the manuscript within the transmission of the Homilies and the editorial handling of this important witness.

My research focuses on the two-volume autobiography of the 13th-century Byzantine scholar, theologian, and cleric Nicephorus Blemmydes. Despite being one of the most important figures of the intellectual life of his time, a significant portion of his work remains unpublished, while the parts that have already been edited have received disproportionately little scholarly attention. My doctoral project aims to produce a new critical edition of his “Partial account” (Διήγησις μερική), this highly significant and unique yet unjustly overlooked text. In my presentation, I will outline the initial steps of my work, highlight key innovations that my edition will contribute to previous scholarly efforts, and discuss the progress I have made in analysing the manuscripts. My approach follows the stratigraphic examination methodology developed and theorized by Filippo Ronconi, which regards the codices as complex cultural objects. Since my dissertation will also include a detailed commentary on the text, I will address the methodological aspects of this commentary as well.

Im Vortrag wird der handschriftlichen Überlieferung der Einzelbestandteile des byzantinischen Gesetzbuchs “Eisagoge tu nomu”, das zur Zeit des Kaisers Basileios I. (867-886) verfasst wurde, nachgegangen. Das Gesamtensemble der Eisagoge – Rubrik, Prooimion, Pinax, 40 Titel – ist nämlich nur in einer einzigen und zudem vergleichsweise recht jungen Handschrift auf uns gekommen. Dagegen finden sich die Einzelbestandteile in – teilweise überraschenden – anderen Überlieferungsgemeinschaften. Es soll daher der Frage nachgegangen werden, inwiefern eine Zusammengehörigkeit dieser Einzelbestandteile überhaupt als gesichert angenommen werden kann.

Corippus designated Justin II and Sophia as ‘the two lights of the world’ in his panegyric, ‘In Laudem Iustini Augusti minoris’, celebrating the accession of Justin to the throne following the death of Justinian. Sophia’s influence can be seen at every stage: her expedient conversion from miaphysitism to orthodoxy during the later stages of Justinian’s reign; her influence over every aspect of the governance of the empire including financial, religious and military; and her control over the empire when Justin’s insanity prevented him from continuing to rule. She was the first empress to appear on Byzantine coins together with the emperor; the writers of the reign celebrated the imperial couple as equals; and statues of the pair adorned the empire. Justin named at least two palaces and a harbour in Constantinople after his wife. In doctrinal matters, she not only played a role in Church politics, persecuted the miaphysites, and indulged in the donation of relics, she even composed her own prayer to the Virgin offered before Justin’s inauguration. At a perilous moment in the Persian war when Justin succumbed to his madness, she negotiated directly with Chosroes. Sophia was truly the ‘kingmaker’ of three emperors, promoting the accession of Justin, Tiberius and even Maurice. Compared with the attention afforded to previous empresses, such as Theodora, and even Ariadne, Sophia has been relatively neglected. This communication will develop the work of scholars such as Averil Cameron and others who have sought to re-assess the reign of Sophia and the unusual power she wielded as the wife of an emperor, with particular regard to her influence in some key examples of imperial diplomacy. These instances will demonstrate Sophia’s authority not just within the empire but her understanding of how to use both hard and soft power overseas.

The reception of Byzantium in modern times is not always positive. Myths of medieval whiteness and gender are mobilised by the American Alt-right, religious and political institutions, and in mainstream media, which participate in maintaining white patriarchy in the present. For instance, Douglas Galbi’s website, purple motes, co-opts Medieval texts to communicate a misogynist agenda. One blog post on the site compares the false allegation of rape made against St Eugenia to men on US college campuses who, he claims, are victims of false accusations, and contends that modern courts, like Roman courts, are biased against them. Galbi even declares Eugenia the ‘patron saint for men falsely accused of rape’ (2017). The divide between academic and popular writing, however, is not that stark. While the misogyny of purple motes and the racist ideology of the Alt-right are dangerous myths of history, they are also fundamentalist and niche discourses; their reach is limited. Historiography has the power to maintain and reproduce harmful cultural discourses in the mainstream, yet it is perceived as rational, objective, and trustworthy—this makes it more dangerous. This paper will critically assess the only history of sexuality as it appears in Byzantine hagiography—Byzantine Hagiography and Sex from the Fifth to the Twelfth Centuries by Alexander Kazhdan (1990)— to show how sexual violence has been deemphasised, dismissed, and excused. He reframes instances of sexual victimisation as erotic and romantic encounters, which obscures an historical understanding of both sexual violence and consensual sex as it appears in the hagiography and reproduces modern misogyny and patriarchy. By rereading sexual violence in Byzantine hagiography, I aim to disrupt harmful histories that reproduce present-day rape culture.

This paper innovatively examines the multifaceted roles of seven elite women in medieval Serbia, arguing for their pivotal yet understudied contributions to visual culture, ecclesiastical foundations, and artistic development. By critically interrogating male-dominated historiographical narratives, the study highlights how these women—Helen of Anjou, Anna Dandolo, Queen Simonida, Empress Helena, Despotess Jelena Mrnjavčević, Princess Milica, and Irene Kantakouzene—actively shaped dynastic legitimacy, sacred topography, and cross-cultural exchange within the Byzantine-Slavic sphere. By analyzing charters, fresco inscriptions, and textile donations, the paper reveals how women’s agency shaped Serbia’s cultural landscape as a “Byzantine periphery” while asserting local dynastic prestige. This reevaluation challenges center-periphery dichotomies, demonstrating how Balkan elites—particularly women—curated Byzantium’s legacy to serve their own political and spiritual agendas.

À la mort d’Andronic III Paléologue, le 15 juin 1341, le trône échoua formellement à son fils mineur Jean V. Une institution de régence fut alors instaurée par sa mère Anne de Savoie, inaugurant ainsi une phase de négociation et de redéfinition du pouvoir impérial. L’un des moyens d’étudier ces changements politiques est de nous pencher sur l’iconographie des monnaies frappées par le nouveau régime. L’objectif de cette intervention est de reconstituer les mécanismes de légitimation du pouvoir impérial pendant la Régence d’Anne de Savoie en 1341-1347 à travers les évolutions que connait son image, telle qu’elle est transmise par les données numismatiques.

It remains largely undisputed in scholarship that the so-called office of the Roman empress, and the position, prerogatives and power associated with it, were entirely contingent on the goodwill of the emperor. However, in the absence of a constitutionally sanctioned position, role or authority regarded by law for either, academic approaches aiming to delve into imperial women have had to rely, for the most part, on sources characterized by their scarcity and a—not always properly acknowledged—negative bias by a wholly male repertoire of ancient authors. Our purpose is to, first and foremost, pose a question: was there ever a female imperial power, whether in nature or in character? Traditional historiography would either energetically oppose the very assumption that such women could wield power in any shape or form or conversely argue that it could only be so by virtue of very exceptional circumstances. But what if those circumstances were not so extraordinary? What if we could further develop the tools of analysis at our disposal? In order to address this concern, it seems pertinent to revisit and reconsider the very language with which both ancient and modern authors have referred to a wide collection of practices related to the notion of imperial power. How can this be achieved? First, by reassessing the semantics of concepts such as power, authority, influence or mediation, and focusing on how, when and why they are -consciously or otherwise- used to refer to the same instances depending on whether the subject of the action is male or female. Second, by analysing how the aforesaid concepts and the vocabulary analogous to them have evolved, likewise incorporating the latest scholarly developments in the field. Altogether the aim is to establish a different framework to shed new light on female imperial power.

The purpose of this paper is to provide researchers with insights into the fate and current state of preservation of the collection of Byzantine manuscripts, which constitutes a deposit of the Polish state, stored since 1945 in the manuscript department of the Jagiellonian Library. The Prussian Library authorities decided to relocate the collections after the RAF’s bombings of Berlin in April 1941. The largest transport, consisting of 505 crates, initially went to Fürstenstein Castle (Polish: Książ) and, after its alteration into Hitler’s headquarters, in July 1944 to the Benedictine Abbey in Grüssau (Krzeszów) in Lower Silesia. The deposit, discovered by Polish museum curators at the end of May 1945, after the withdrawal of the Red Army from Silesia, was transported to Cracow in 1946, as this city was the only one not seriously damaged enough to provide safe shelter for the collection. Books, initially stored in five different locations (monasteries and barracks), were finally gathered in the Jagiellonian Library building in 1947. Out of the 164 Greek manuscripts transported from Berlin, initially, only 140 arrived at the Jagiellonian Library. Some of them required immediate conservation as the crate they were being transported in was damaged and water flew inside. The last part of the deposit was found only a few years ago during conservation work at the Dominican Convent and was added to the rest of the collection. During the communist period, access to the manuscripts brought from Silesia was restricted, but starting from the 1990s, they have been made available to researchers. Microfilms were made, and in recent years they have been systematically digitised and progressively made accessible online. The library authorities, wishing to respect tradition and for better orientation of researchers, decided to retain the original Berlin numbering of the codices.

Palimpsest manuscripts, found on the shelves of ancient and modern libraries, are made of reused materials: they are usually parchment leaves from which the writing was removed and later substituted by a new text. Scholars have been aware of their existence and have attempted to study them—particularly since the early 18th century—often using methods now regarded as destructive, such as treatments with chemical reagents. In recent years, digital non-invasive breakthroughs such as Multispectral Imaging, Hyperspectral Imaging, and X-ray Fluorescence have revolutionized the study of these handwritten objects. Projects like the Archimedes Palimpsest and the Sinai Palimpsests Project have transformed how scholars and scientists investigate palimpsest manuscripts, thanks to the use of digital multispectral imaging and advanced image processing techniques. This paper aims to review how, over the past twenty years, the Early Manuscripts Electronic Library (EMEL) and MegaVision—coordinating more than twenty projects and over a hundred contributors, from scholars to programmers—have significantly advanced the field of non-invasive palimpsest research, innovating and standardizing methods to uncover, among others, hidden and previously unknown Byzantine texts.

Die Anforderungen der modernen Katalogisierung machen die Anwendung neuer Methoden zur Erfassung und Erforschung von Handschriften erforderlich, insbesondere jener Sammlungen, die in den Athosklöstern aufbewahrt werden. Die heutige Katalogisierung sollte sich nicht auf eine trockene, positivistische Erfassung kodikologischer und paläographischer Merkmale nebst Inhaltsbeschreibung beschränken. Vielmehr sollten interdisziplinäre Aspekte – etwa die digitalen Geisteswissenschaften oder das Projekt- und Kulturmanagement – als fester Bestandteil der Katalogisierung aufgenommen werden, um eine ganzheitlichere Bearbeitung des Objekts zu erzielen.
Die Entwicklung eines umfassenden Projektplans, der die Digitalisierung, Erhaltung und Konservierung der Handschrift unter Einbeziehung der New Philology vorsieht, zielt auf die „Sozialisierung“ und langfristige Zugänglichkeit der Sammlung ab und versteht diese als ein Gut des jeweiligen Bewahrers. In meinem Referat möchte ich Vorgehensweise und Ergebnisse meiner Dissertation, die die Handschriftensammlung des Klosters Konstamonitou zum Thema hat, vorstellen. Insbesondere wird die Methodologie der Digitalisierung, Bearbeitung und wissenschaftlichen Auswertung des elektronischen Materials vorgestellt. Zudem werden die kodikologischen Merkmale der Handschriften, Untersuchungen zu den Einbänden sowie zentrale Informationen zum Inhalt erläutert. Die Struktur und Erhebung der kodikologischen Daten basiert auf dem ersten Band des Katalogs der griechischen Handschriften des Klosters Vatopedi, besorgt von Erich Lamberz, sowie dem derzeit in Vorbereitung befindlichen zweiten Band desselben Katalogs (hrsg. von Erich Lamberz und Raimondo Tocci [letzterer zugleich Betreuer meiner Dissertation]). Desweiteren soll ein praxisorientierter Arbeitsplan für eine ganzheitliche und interdisziplinäre Herangehensweise an die besagte Sammlung vorgestellt werden. Dieser umfasst alle wesentlichen Etappen – von der Digitalisierung, der inhaltlichen Erschließung und Dokumentation sowie der Konservierung – mit Ansätzen der New Philology als methodischem Kern.

Core of the law of obligations was, and remains, the legal transaction and a series of fundamental principles that stem from its dominant position in the field of transactions. These principles include the principles that govern the interpretation of legal transactions. Despite the prevailing view that Roman law of classical times, and by extension Byzantine law, constitutes a mosaic of practical solutions for each specific legal relationship and therefore we cannot discuss the formation of a general theoretical background at least from the perspective of modern legal science, these laws, Roman and Byzantine law, formulated certain general and specific interpretative principles or rules which, as we will analyze below, are further specified in Byzantine commentaries. From the analysis of the Byzantine commentaries (old and new commentaries on the codification of the Basilica and commentaries included in the Ecloga Basilicorum—an extensive collection of interpretative texts referring to the first 10 books of the Basilica and chronologically placed at the beginning of the 12th century), the formation of some theoretical approaches emerges that we also encounter in modern legal theory regarding the methods of interpretation that must be followed in legal transactions.

During our visit to the Karakallou Monastery in Mount Athos in September 2024, we found five parchment fragments from a mid-14th century Byzantine manuscript, containing ancient Greek text of an unknown author. The fragments are written with a beautiful late Byzantine script which could be dated to the period from 1330 to 1370. Our conjecture that the text was probably written by Galen is based on thе phrase: ἐδείχθη γὰρ ἡμῖν, ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν ἔφην, ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ πραγματείᾳ καθ’ ἣν περὶ τῶν Ἱπποκράτους καὶ Πλάτωνος διηρχόμεθα δογμάτων (this was indicated by me, as I said before, in that treatise in which I dealt with the doctrines (concepts) of Hippocrates and Plato). In fact, this passage contains a self-citation of a text from the well-known work of Galen “Περὶ τῶν Ἱπποκρατους καὶ Πλάτωνος δογμάτων“ (De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis). However, the final identification of the text as written by Galen was made possible by a badly damaged title preserved in fragment no. 4: Τέλος τοῦ πρώτου βιβλίου περὶ ἠθικῶν. Κεφάλαια τῶν ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ βιβλίῳ: Περὶ τοῦ ἰδίου ἐκ τῆς ψυχῆς. Περὶ ἀκολασίας καὶ ἐγκρατείας, σωφροσύνης καὶ τοῦ ἐπιθυμητικοῦ ψυχῆς. Γαληνοῦ περὶ ἠθῶν βιβλίον δεύτερον (end of the first book of De moribus. Chapters in the second book: on the soul itself, on lust and temperance, sobriety and the desires of the soul. Beginning of Galen’s second book of the treatise De moribus). Thus, it became clear that Karakallou fragments contain the end of first and the beginning of the second book of Galen’s treatise “De moribus” or, more precisely, on human characters, in Greek Περὶ ἠθῶν or Περὶ ἠθικῶν. The Greek text of this treatise is lost and its contents are partially known only from an abbreviated epitome of its lost Arabic translation.

Tenedos (Bozcaada) is situated at the entrance of the Strait of Dardanelles, a strategic location in terms of marine transportation. From Antiquity onwards, Tenedos was a convenient port for fleets to take refuge and hide during wars, as well as for ships to stop over for supplies and maintenance. Tenedos frequently changed hands between the Byzantine Empire, the Genoese and the Venetians from the 13th to the 15th century and was a subject of negotiation in a number of treaties due to its geopolitically significant location. This was because the party to secure Dardanelles and Tenedos, at the strait’s entrance, would also command Constantinople and the Black Sea trade. With the Treaty of Turin (1381), which marked the end of the War of Chioggia (1377-1381) between the Venetians and the Genoese over the control of the island of Tenedos, the island was evacuated and the buildings in its existing layout were destroyed, causing the fabric and building stock of the island to largely perish. Tenedos was captured from the Venetians in 1455 by the Navy Commander Hamza Bey, during the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror, thus becoming the first island in the Aegean Sea to be taken under Turkish rule. The abundance of spolia used in the Fort of Tenedos, rebuilt in the Ottoman Era, indicates layering from different periods. Within the scope of this paper, in order to understand the Byzantine Era architectural building stock, the existing surface/archaeological survey and the new excavation findings as well as the remains from Bozcaada in the Çanakkale Museum of Archaeology and Bozcaada Fort Museum were examined, and the spolia detected in Bozcaada were evaluated. The purpose of the paper is to shed light on the Byzantine Era in Tenedos (Bozcaada) through the surviving architectural works.

In De Thematibus of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, when referring to the Theme of Samos, the meaning of the island’s name is noted: it is the place that consists of high mountains. This is the main feature that offered the possibility of creating the island’s fortification network, after the first Arab attacks in the second half of the 7th century. The peaceful life of the inhabitants was violently interrupted by the Arabs, as shown by the excavation findings of the Pythagoreion and the Eupalinos Tunnel as well as the new data attributed by the research to the samian field by the writer. It is still unclear whether the fortifications were initiated by the central administration or the island’s inhabitants. However, the survey showed that the Samians took advantage of the island’s natural terrain, organized their defense and ensured agricultural production. Fifteen fortification sites from the Byzantine period (7th–13th century) have been found on Samos, five of which stand out for their significance. These are the Castle of Lazarus, the Castle of Loulouda, the Castle of Agios Nikolaos, the Castle of Prophet Elias, and the Castle of Pnaka, all situated on Mount Ampelos. The Castle of Lazarus is a large, fortified settlement, while the other four are smaller fortresses located close to each other. This clustering is unusual, as most other fortifications on the island are more spread out. This suggests a deliberate defensive strategy, with the smaller fortresses forming a protective network around the larger settlement. The Castle of Prophet Elias, for instance, functions as a control and observation point, overseeing the northern sea area and maintaining communication between Lazarus and Kastrovouni, another large fortified settlement on the western part of Samos. The study of these sites provides key insights into the island’s defence organization after the events of the 7th century.

This paper examines the circulation of the Byzantine silver coinage par excellence, the miliaresion, in the Aegean Sea and Cyprus from the 8th to the 11th century. It focuses on the nature of the finds and the role of silver coinage during the turbulent period of Arab raids, as well as during the subsequent period, when Byzantine authority was restored. During the transitional period, most of the islands endured brutal Arab raids. Due to their strategic geopolitical position, Crete and Cyprus were particularly affected. In Crete, the formation of an emirate led to the first Arab settlement in the heart of the Aegean Sea, which served as the base for further raids on the islands. Cyprus also experienced a long Arab presence, due to the treaty of ‘neutrality’ between Byzantium and the Arabs. Despite the limited circulation of coinage during that period, a significant number of miliaresia, both in hoards and as single finds, have been recorded on these islands, as well as on the Cyclades. Arab coins, also found on these islands, should be considered as well, given their impact on Byzantine monetary circulation and their possible connection with the miliaresion. It is known that the miliaresion closely imitated the Arab dirham in terms of metrology, form and decoration. The islands offer a good example in order to explore the relationship between the miliaresion and the dirham on the one hand and between the latter and Arab activities on the other hand. In the 10th century, Byzantine authority in Crete and Cyprus was restored, leading to the restoration of monetary supply and the normalization of numismatic circulation. Within this context, the paper will examine the role of the miliaresion in the islands in this latter period and until the 11th century – when the denomination ceased to be issued.

Malaga has had a natural harbor, which has been fossilized throughout history by the city’s southward advance. A harbor perfectly protected from easterly storms by the Alcazaba hill and Gibralfaro Hill, and to the west by the Guadalmedina River and the urban sector that extends to its western side. The completion of preventive archaeological work on a large site located between Camas Street and Santa Isabel Corridor in 2000 made it possible to locate the Roman and Byzantine anchorage. Documentation of this work was continued during a second archaeological excavation carried out later on a neighboring site located between Marqués, Olózaga, and San Souviron Streets. The stratigraphic sequence documented provides an interesting layer of Byzantine-era ceramic materials, highlighting the importance of Malaca in the recuperatio imperii promoted by Justinian I. The abandonment of this port coincides precisely with the Visigothic conquest of the city by Sisebuto in 619. From that moment on, sedimentary deposits from the Guadalmina River enabled its complete silting and the urban expansion of the city, both of which hid its record for centuries.

The Byzantine imperial and ecclesiastic spheres frequently experienced tension due to the absence of a clearly defined constitutional separation of powers, which could lead to overlapping authorities and disputes. Despite the ideal of symphonia (concord) between imperium and sacerdotium, this ambiguity, particularly concerning the extent of each authority’s influence, shaped their interactions across numerous domains of Byzantine life. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries there was a rise in the church’s prestige, with patriarchs increasingly asserting their role as protectors of Byzantine Orthodoxy and challenging imperial power. Patriarch Athanasios I stands out as a key figure in this evolving dynamic. This paper attempts to investigate the complexities of this relationship under the reign of Andronikos II Palaiologos. Specifically, it investigates Athanasios’ interventions (in both his first and especially his second patriarchate) in secular matters during this period. Focusing on the latter’s extant correspondence, it aims to illuminate the contested and negotiated boundaries of imperial and patriarchal influence. Athanasios’ letters reveal his active engagement in a range of secular issues, including the empire’s policy towards the Latins, the hiring and conduct of mercenaries, the handling of refugee crises and famine in Constantinople, and the issue of corruption among state officials, as well as his assumption of quasi-judicial functions and his pronouncements on the conduct of secular and ecclesiastical personnel. Through pinpointing specific instances of Athanasios’ involvement in areas traditionally considered within the secular realm, an understanding of the evolving power dynamics between the church and the state can be provided, particularly considering the patriarch’s capacity to actively engage with and significantly impact the empire’s secular affairs. By examining his correspondence and his relation with the emperor, this study seeks to delineate the patriarch’s interference and its influence on shaping the boundaries between the spiritual and temporal authorities during this period.

The aim of this paper is to show that networking is an essential strategy for survival and influence within the globalised world system during the Late Medieval period. We will use an interdisciplinary approach to explore the legacy of the Palaiologan dynasty (1261-1453) in strategic networking and examine its implications for subsequent historical developments. By investigating the political, economic, military, cultural, and religious connections between Byzantium and key players in the world system, we will identify essential components of the Palaiologan emperors’ strategic networking and global outreach. This analysis will reveal an intriguing chapter on Byzantine international relations and their impact on the unfolding future of Byzantium and the broader geopolitical landscape. Additionally, we will examine the influential role of religion, particularly Orthodox Christianity and its Church, in shaping the emperors’ networking and foreign policy strategies. This aspect is crucial for understanding the comprehensive and multifaceted nature of the networking strategies employed by the Palaiologan dynasty, as it highlights the influence of religion on geopolitical decision-making.

In this study, the roots, evolution, and features of the failed revolt of Andronikos IV, 1373, will
be discussed by focusing on the extant Byzantine and Ottoman primary source materials.
It aims to bring an alternative approach to the origins and the development of the Revolt of
Andronikos IV, which had a quite significant influence on the Byzantine-Ottoman political
relationships in the following years. In this respect, the objectives and preparation of Andronikos
and his Ottoman counterpart, Savci Bey, will be stressed. Then, the evolution of the
organizational structure of this military venture will be evaluated by focusing on the
participation of the regional Turkish and Byzantine elements in Thrace. Lastly, it will be argued
that it could be possible to see this rebellion as a common act of the alienated political groups
and royal family members in the Byzantine and the Ottoman Empires since a faction in the
Byzantine nobility and a portion of the frontier Ottoman groups supported the rebellious princes.
In parallel with it, it will be questioned whether a number of Ottoman frontier units might have
participated in this revolt, throwing in their lot with the Byzantines.

Although the institution of the katholikoi kritai (ton Rhomaion) is well known, we still lack a complete table of the judges who served as provincial katholikoi kritai or as katholikoi kritai ton Rhomaion in Constantinople. The paper attempts to shed light on the personality and identity of those who served as katholikoi kritai.

During the last historical period of the Eastern Roman Empire, when its socio-political situation was increasingly deteriorating, the clergymen, as members of a distinct social group, continued to carry out a multifaceted work which was not limited to the obvious ecclesiastical duties but extended to various fields depending, of course, on the place and the particular circumstances. Among these various areas of activity of the senior clergy (deacons, priests, bishops), law was one of the most dominant. There had always been a relationship, and indeed a quite fruitful one, between, on the one hand, the Byzantine Church and, on the other hand, law and the administration of justice. However, as it has been pointed out elsewhere, in the late Byzantine period the involvement of the clergy and the Church in general increased in both theoretical and applied legal science. The clergy undertook legal tasks, both in the resolution of disputes in and out of court and in the drafting of contracts. The testimony of the surviving patriarchal documents is truly valuable in this direction. At the same time, a number of Church personalities engaged in writing legal texts in response to particular needs of their time. The results of this writing activity sometimes crossed the borders of the Empire, fertilising the legal traditions of other homodox peoples.

One of the main political, religious and social debates of the Late Byzantine era is the attempt of the Palaeologan emperors for the Church Union, realized twice in Lyon (1272) and Florence (1439). While the emperors hoped for major diplomatic advantages through the Union, a vast anti-Unionist party expresses its unequivocal objection to the project, led mostly by the clergy and also significant upper-class members. The reaction of these very powerful individuals, both economically and politically, including members of the emperor’s close family circle, played a decisive role in the development of contacts with the West. At the same time, it led to a deadlock in the foreign policy and consequently in the efforts of a series of emperors to stop the opposition by using various punishments, even violence, especially in the 13th century, during Michael VIII’s reign. The paper aims to examine the methods used to interrupt the actions of the anti-Unionists, especially through physical penalties and also through administrative and procedural mistreatment of entire parts of the laymen population. Particular attention will be given to the differences, if any, between imperial reactions through time, from Lyon to Florence.

Psellos präsentiert seine philosophischen Ansichten häufig in einer rituellen Sprache. Dabei liegt der Fokus besonders auf den eleusinischen Mysterien, wobei der Hierophant, der Hohepriester dieser Mysterien, eine zentrale Rolle spielt. Psellos identifiziert sich in diesem Bild oft mit seinem eigenen philosophischen Selbstverständnis. In meinem Beitrag gehe ich von der Arbeitshypothese aus, dass er die Figur des Hierophanten nutzt, um seine grundlegendsten philosophischen Überzeugungen – insbesondere im hermeneutischen Kontext – auszudrücken. Im ersten Teil meines Beitrags werden seine Bezüge zum Hierophanten knapp skizziert. Diese werden im Zusammenhang mit der Frage nach dem Vorhang des intelligiblen Adytons analysiert. Psellos spricht häufig über den Hierophanten als Träger einer seiner zentralen Funktionen: den Vorhang des Heiligtums zu lüften und einzutreten. Gerade dieser Akt kommt in Psellos’ Philosophie eine besondere Bedeutung zu. Warum ist es für Psellos so bedeutsam, das Heiligtum zu betreten? Dieser Frage widmet sich der zweite Teil meines Beitrags. Ein zentrales Instrument der Analyse ist die Einbettung der psellianischen Lehre vom Hierophanten in die breitere Problemstellung seiner Zeit. Gemeint ist damit Psellos’ Auseinandersetzung mit der Kirche, die in dem Anspruch gipfelt, gelehrte Laienphilosophen gegenüber der Autorität des Patriarchen aufzuwerten. Der Eintritt dieser Laien in das kirchliche Heiligtum – oder das philosophische Adyton – bildet das zentrale Fundament seines Denkens. Was genau meint Psellos mit dieser “Erhöhung”? In diesem Zusammenhang wird der Zugang zum Heiligtum – insbesondere die Schau auf die heiligen Objekte – im Verhältnis zu den Ansichten anderer zeitgenössischer Autoren analysiert. Dabei ist zu berücksichtigen, dass Psellos sich nicht gegen die Kirche im Allgemeinen, sondern gezielt gegen die mystischen Theologen seiner Zeit – insbesondere Niketas Stethatos – richtet. Letzterer versteht das Verbot des Zugangs und der Schau des Heiligtums für Uneingeweihte – womit er symbolisch die Philosophen meint – als grundlegende Denkfigur innerhalb einer hierarchischen Ordnung.